

§ j^il:l uso: 






SALLUST'S 



JUGURTHLNE WAR 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, 



AN ENGLISH COMMENTARY, 



GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL INDEXES. 



CHARLES ANTHON, LL. D. 

1AY-PROFEBSOR OF ANCIENT LITERATURE. IN COLUMBIA COLLEGE, AND RECTOR 
OF THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL. 



SIXTH EDITION, CORRECTED AND ENLARGED. 



NEW-YORK: 
HARPER & BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF-STREET. 

SOLD BY COLLINS, KEESE, ft CO., AND N. ft J. WHITE.— PHILADELPHIA : 

GRIGG ft ELLIOT, AND DESILYER, THOMAS, ft CO. 

BOSTON : RCSSELL, SHATTUCK, ft CO. 

1836. 



& 



>\v 



m* 



Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year IN 

II Lftpftl A 
in the Clerk's office of the 5 



-2f^/ 



PREFACE. 



In prepann. S It fot the press, 

the 

. ID the 

render it a still moi i gnido to t : nt dm 

on the Jugurtfa 

.«• of the och ) of 

Catiline, and in 

the 
work. I 'it of the: I the Jugurthine 

who thought that a more ample < 
j>art of the hist '1 l>v tl. 

pupils. 'J' ltroduced in ody of the 

' narrative of the war with Jugurtha 
•re the account of Catiline's conspiracy, cannot I 
meet witli the approbation of all who lay claim to any 



IV PREFACE. 

acquaintance with Roman literature, or even with Ro- 
man history. The old arrangement violates the order 
of time, since the attempt of Catiline to overthrow the 
government of his country was subsequent to the war 
with Jugurtha by a period of nearly fifty years. The 
impression produced, therefore, on the mind of the 
student, from his being required to read the two works 
in an inverted order, must, of necessity, be a confused 
one. In the account of Catiline's conspiracy, for ex- 
ample, he will find frequent allusions to the calamitous 
consequences of SyHa'fl strife with Marios, and will see 
many of the profligate partisans of the former rallying 
around the standard of Catiline; while, in the history 
of the Jugurthine war, if he be made to peruse it 
the other, in the ordinary routine of school-reading, he 
will be introduced to the same Sylla, just entering on 
a public career, and standing high in the favour and 
confidence of Marios! llov. ill he be able to 

appreciate, in their full force, the remarks of Sallust re- 
lative to the successive changes in the Roman form of 
government, and the alternate ascendency of the ai 
cratic and popular parties, if he be called upon to di 
his attention to results before he is made acquainted 
with the causes that produced them ? The only argu- 
ment adduced in favour of the old arrangement is, that 
Sallust composed the narrative of Catiline's conspi 
before that of the Juuurthine war, and that all the 
manuscripts, and nearly all the editions of the historian, 



PREFACE. V 

follow this same order, and place the account of the 
conspiracy first. Such an argument, however, if it be 
really deserving of the name, must weigh but little 
when positive utility is placed in the opposite scale. 
The order, moreover, for which we contend, is no nov- 
elty on the continent of Europe, as may be seen from 
the works of the at De Brosses, the Abbe 

Cassagne, and M. Du Rozoir. The last mentioned 
editor, inde- hat 

the arrangement in question has not by this tune be- 
come a general < 

With regard Indexes that hafl added to 

the work, it -irk, that the ohj< 

in preparing them, was to n « comn* rom 

what nniiht have proved too ln-avy a pres>i. lift- 

rials, and have dher than invited, a j 

rusal. The geographical and historical matter, with a 

I by itself, and 
may be consulted with more con\ e, and it is 

hoped, with more decided advantage. 

The biographical account of Salhist, and the sk< 
of his writings, which have been given in the previous 
editions under the ordinarv form, nc •• the char- 

acter of an imaginary conversation, a mode of impart- 
ing information which the editor has recently adopted 
in a course of College-Lectures on Ancient Literature, 
and which he has found to be extremely well calculated 

for eliciting and ensuring attention. 

1 # 



VI PREFACE. 

In conclusion, the editor feels, that it would be the 
worst species of affectation in him, were he to conceal 
the pleasure he has experienced, at the very favourable 
reception which has been given to the previous editions 
of this work. And he thinks he may be allowed to 
state, with pardonable pride, that two separate re-prints, 
by different editors, total strangers to himself, have also 
appeared in England, and that too without any effort 
on his own part to procure, in that country, a re-publi- 
cation of his labours. C. ANTHi 

Col. College, N. Y. 
March 22, 1836. 



( x ^-».x>.->.^'«.-».-«.'N.>.'S.>.-».X-».%.'V».-».-*.>.%.-».-W».-».-»->->. 



LIFE OF SALLUST. 



v>.-w-ww-w-».-w-».-».-».>«.>.x-.x'«.-«.xx-».x>.>.-«.x>.>.'».x-«.x-».>>-«.-».>-x-*.>.>x 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 



DR. BARTON- 1 

Dr. B. Well, Henry, how are you pleased with Oxford! — I have 
met »ur arrival among us, but have never be- 

fore this had an opportun :, or of ascertaining 

how you liked your new residence. 

H. I am delighted with it. my dear Doctor, and feel like a new being 
amid these classic shades. 'With the means of DD] now fully 

under my own contr ned to make that use of my 1 

which shall lead in after life, with the divine bli LMOfl and 

honourable distinction. My reeding begins, in fact, to assume a new 
character, and my attention is mure and more d feted every day to 
works of solid utih* !, that I ha 

you on the present occasion, as I ha\ 

literature, and wish to consult you about the merits of a writer, in rela- 
tion to whom, I am, I confess, in a good deal of doubt — I mean the his- 
torian Sallust. 

l>r B. I can easily con wit an ardent admirer like 

yourself of the character (lined to 

(1 the cold appL h Sallust bestows upon the saviour of his 

country, in the light of a del. ij>on his escutcheon 

as an historian. Nor will I stand fort: .ing, 

how. the rankling of private animosity, and 

something to disgust at 

Roman consul. For, after all .at if history ! A mere place 

of exhibition, where the sjM-ctators are too little acquainted with the 
hidden causes of what they behold, and the actor3 are too directly inter- 
ested in the result, to enable ne I L, with any degree of certainty, 
on the accounts of either the one or the ot 

H. Your remark is a very just on< Doctor, and ought to 

teach us the utter uncertainty of I i of knowledge, except 

where it bears the impress from on high. History, in the former case, 
may be likened to the arid plains of Egypt, where the half-buried temple, 

9 



X LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 

and half-deciphered inscription, tell the tale of other days, but tell it in 
dark and mysterious language ; while, in the latter, she stands like the 
pyramids of that same Eastern land, alone in the midst of ruins, resting 
securely on the rock of ages, and pointing upward to the skies. — But I 
am wandering from my subject. Would it be too great an encroachment 
on your valuable time, Doctor, were I to ask for a brief sketch of the life 
of the historian 1 

Dr. B. Not at all, Henry. I am perfectly at leisure, and will accede 
to your request with the utmost readiness. Should any thing, however, 
strike you in the course of my remarks, as being either at variance with 
your pre-conceived notions, or savouring too much of mere speculation, 
you will oblige me by a candid communication of your sentiments. 

H. There will be very little occasion for this, my dear Doctor, as I 
am a mere novice in matters of literary history, and am come prepared 
to listen rather than to oppose. I will avail myself, however, of your 
very kind offer, to ask an occasional question or two, should any thing 
appear to me either novel or obscure. 

Dr. B. Well then, to begin with the name itself, the German scholars, 
whose research nothing can escape, are divided in opinion as to the pro- 
priety of writing Sallustius or Salustius, and Crispus Sallustius or 
Sallustius Crispus. 1 I believe it will be found, upon an examination of 
authorities, that Sallustius is the more correct form, and Crispus Sal- 
lustius the more usual arrangement of the manuscripts. It would seem, 
however, that, in the golden age of Latin literature, it was customary to 
place the cognomen after the nomen, and in the silver age to reverse this 
order.2 — But let us proceed to the historian himself. Sallust was born 
at Amiternum, a town of the Sabines, B. C. 86, or A. U. C. 668. He 
received his education at Rome, and, in his early youth, appears to have 
been desirous of devoting himself to literary pursuits. — 

H. Allow me to interrupt you, my dear Doctor, and to ask whether 
it be not a very remarkable circumstance, that so many of the Latin 
writers were natives, not of the capital, but of the provinces, of Italy ? 

Dr. B. The most careless inquirer, Henry, into the literary history 
of Rome, cannot but be struck by the singular fact, that so many of the 
distinguished individuals who grace the literary annals of the empire-city, 
were born, not in Rome itself, but either in foreign lands, or in the prov- 
inces of the Italian peninsula. Had the queen of nations adhered in 
later days to the selfish and exclusive policy, by which all who were not 
born within her walls were at first debarred from the full enjoyment of 

1. Cort. ad Sail. Cat. init. — Gerlach, de vita et scriptis Salustii, (Ed. Op., vol. ii» 
p. 2, 3.)— Hall. Lit. Zeit. 1829. Nro. 90, p. 77.—Lindemanii } Corp. Gram. Lat. x 
vol. i. p. 202, &c. 

2. Baehr, Gesch. der Rom. Lit., p. 377, ed. 2d. 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 2d 

the privileges of citizenship, how few of the great names that now adorn 
the history of her literature could have been claimed by her as her own. 
Livius Andronicus, for example, was a slave from Magna Graecia ; 
Ennius was a native of the same quarter of Italy ; Naevius was a Cam- 
panian ; Plautus came from Umbria ; Pacuvius was born at Brundisium, 
Terence at Carthage, Catullus at Verona, Cicero at Arpinum, Virgil at 
Andes, Propertius in Umbria, Horace in Apulia, Livy at Patavium, Ovid 
at Sulmo, Lucan in Spain> the elder Pliny at Verona, and Tacitus at the 
Umbrian city of Interamna.— You see then, Henry, that Rome may be 
said to have acquired her literary, as she did her martial^ fame, by the 
exertions of her allies, the provincials of Italy. 

H. Yes, Doctor, and it is only transferring to the operations of intel- 
lect the old proverb about the Marsi, that there was no triumph either 
over them or without them ; ovts Kara Mdpffcjv, ovre avev Mapo-coy, yeviaBai 
dpiafipov. 1 — But let us return to Sallust. 

Dr. B. Notwithstanding his early zeal for literary pursuits, our his- 
torian appears to have been soon involved in that striving after military 
or political distinction, which formed so conspicuous a feature of the age 
in which he lived. We find him, accordingly, at twenty-seven, filling 
the office of quaestor, which entitled him, of course, to a seat in the 
senate, and, about six years afterwards, elected to the important post of 
tribune of the commons. While discharging the duties of this magis- 
tracy, he attached himself to the rising fortunes of Julius Caesar, and, 
during its continuance also, he conducted, along with one of his col- 
leagues, the prosecution against Milo for the murder of Clodius. — Thus 
far all seems to have gone well with Sallust. In the year of Rome, how- 
ever, 704, or 50 B. C, he was excluded from the senate, by the censors 
Appius Claudius Pulcher and Lucius Piso, for an act of gross im- 
morality. 2 

H. You surprise me, Dr. Barton. — Sallust, wnose writings breathe 
so lofty an air of rigid morality. — 'Sallust, the stern declaimer against 
luxury and all its train of attendant vices — a votary at the shrine of licen- 
tiousness and profligacy 1 

Dr. B. The most suspicious kind of morality, my young friend, is 
undoubtedly that noisy species, which is so fond of descanting on the 
failings and delinquencies of others. Sallust, aye, and even Seneca 
too, notwithstanding the eulogiums of Diderot upon the latter, 3 remind 
me very strongly, when regarded as moralists, of Dr. Johnson's remark, 
that " no man is a hypocrite in his pleasures. 5 ' Both were, at one period 

1. Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 46. 

2. Schol ad Horat. Sat., 1, 2, ih—Varro, ap. Aul. Gell., 17, 18.— Dio. CassiuSy 
40, 63.—Lactant., 2, 12.— Gerlach, de vita, <fcc. Salustii, 1. c. 

3. Essai sur les Regnes de Claude et de Neron* 



Xli LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 

of their lives, irregular and licentious, and it may well be doubted, whether 
either of them carried into fair and successful operation the moral theories 
which they were so anxious to promulgate. — And yet, although Sallust 
was confessedly a man of loose and corrupt principles, it is far from 
being certain that he was the monster of iniquity which some have been 
pleased to represent him. In the case at present under consideration, it 
is more than probable that he owed his exclusion from the senate to the 
violence of the patrician party, to which he was warmly opposed. The 
female, whose name is connected with this disgraceful affair was Fausta, 
the daughter of Sylla, and wife of Milo, and the injured husband is said 
to have caused the offender to be scourged by his slaves. 1 Now, as 
Fausta was not more remarkable for her personal attractions than for 
utter want of character, it seems rather extraordinary that, at a time 
when the corruption of manners had almost reached its maximum, the 
intimacy of a Roman senator with so abandoned a female should be 
deemed worthy of so severe a punishment as expulsion from his order. 
I cannot but think, therefore, that Sallust was sacrificed to the party 
spirit which agitated, and in fact divided, the republic. The prosecution 
against Milo, as has already been remarked, took place the same year 
that Sallust was tribune of the commons ; and the latter, who was a de- 
voted partisan of Caesar, had found means to defeat the plans of Cicero 
and the republican party, and procure the condemnation of Milo. Now the 
censor Appius Pulcher was seeking, it appears, the friendship of Cicero, 
whose aid was necessary to his projects, and it would seem that, in order 
to propitiate the good will of the orator, and other individuals of the party 
of Pompey, he ventured upon a decisive step against Sallust, which he 
sought to hide beneath the specious pretext of a regard for public morals. 2 
What think you of this theory, Henry Arlington ! 

H. I am strongly inclined to adopt it, my dear Doctor, since, admit- 
ing it to be true, we may, without regarding Sallust as at all more vir- 
tuous than the great body of his contemporaries, be enabled to shield 
him, by this means, from the virulent abuse of Pompey's freedman Lenaeus, 
whose work should rather be called a frantic satire than an historical 
document. 3 — But proceed, if you please, with the life of the Roman. 

Dr. B. The ignominious sentence thus inflicted on him, whether 
merited or not, baffled all his hopes of present preferment, and, quitting 
the capital, he joined his patron Caesar, who was then in Gaul. Follow- 
ing the fortunes of that eminent commander, through all the changing 
scenes of the civil contest which soon after ensued, we find him bearing 



1. Aid. Ge1l. % 17, 13. 

2. Schoell, Hist. Lit. Rom., vol. ii. p. 21.— Baehr, Gesch. Rom. Lit., p. 374. 

3. Sueton. de Grammat., lb.— Op. ed. Crus., vol. ii. p. SS3.— Compare SchoL 
in Hot at. Sat. 1,2,41. 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. xiii 

a share eventually in the expedition to Africa, where the scattered rem- 
nants of Pompey's party had rallied under the banners of Scipio and 
Juba. When this region was subdued, he was left by Caesar as praetor 
of Numidia ; and, about the same time, he married Terentia, the di- 
vorced wife of Cicero. i 

H. What a blessing it must have been, Dr. Barton, to have lived un- 
der so virtuous a governor. 

Dr. B. If Dio Cassius speak the truth, Henry, I would rather be ex- 
cused from being governed by such a praetor as Sallust. The historian 
gives a sorry picture of his administration in Africa, charging him with 
flagrant extortion, and with the open despoiling of his province. Caesar, 
he says, assigned this region unto him, " to govern it in appearance, but, 
to plunder it in reality," \6yo) \xlv ap^eiv, Zpyr? te ayetv re kcu cpipciv knitpc* 
xpcv.z And he seems, according to Dio's statement, to have been by no 
means backward in fulfilling Caesar's expectations ; for, to borrow another 
phrase from Dio, he did not put in practice what he wrote, ovk efxifjLfiaaro 
rw epyo) rovg \6yovg. Alas ! for poor human nature, Henry, " quam te~ 
mere in nosmct legem sancimus /" 

H. You succeeded so well a moment ago, Doctor, in defending Sal- 
lust from another charge, that I wish you would again become his advo- 
cate on the present occasion. Is there nothing that can be urged in his 
behalf! 

Dr. B. It would not require much skill, Henry, to make out a very 
plausible case in favour of Sallust, and that too on grounds merely of a 
probable nature. For it is difficult to conceive, how such conduct, as is 
alleged against him, can be in any way reconciled with the principles 
professed by him in his writings, or how a man so deeply guilty, as his 
enemies made him to be, could have publicly affected such rigid morali- 
ty, without outraging, in the most shameless manner, the feelings of all 
his contemporaries. We are tempted to believe, therefore, that Dio Cas- 
sius, and the writers who, after him, have repeated these discreditable 
stories, were led astray by the declamations of the numerous enemies of 
our historian. One of the later editors, indeed, of the works of Sallust, 
has started a singular hypothesis, according to which, Dio is thought to 
have followed a popular tradition, which, confounding Sallust with Cati- 
line, from the circumstance of the former's having written the history of 
the latter, ascribed to the historian the excesses committed by Catiline 
himself in his government of Africa !3 — Well, Henry, what is your ver- 
dict] 



1. Pseudo. Cic. Declam. c. 8. seqq. 

2. Hist. Rom. 43, 9.— Ed. Reimar. vol. i. p. 346. 

3. Schbll, Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 22.— O. M. Muller^ Dar$tellung> #c, p. 47, 
seqq. 

9 



x iv LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 

H. I would like to decide, Doctor, in favour of Sallust, but I feel 
myself bound in candour to pronounce an opinion against him. The 
arguments, just adduced in his favour, are, to say the best of them, more 
imposing than solid, and the hypothesis which you were kind enough to 
mention is too absurd to require a serious refutation. — But what was the 
fate of Sallust under this charge of extortion and spoilation 1 

Dr. B. It was such as might have been expected in the peculiar 
complexion of the times. He was acquitted by Caesar, his all-pow- 
erful protectoi. — After the expiration of his government, Sallust re- 
nounced all public employments, and betook himself to a luxurious re- 
tirement, with his, as I fear you will term it, ill-gotten wealth. He 
chose for his favourite retreats, a villa at Tibur, which had belonged to 
Caesar, and a magnificent palace, which he built in the suburbs of Rome, 
surrounded by delightful pleasure-grounds, afterwards well known and 
celebrated by the name of the Gardens of Sallust. Possessed of every 
attraction, the Sallustian palace and gardens became, after the death 
of their original proprietor, the residence of successive emperors. Au- 
gustus chose them as the scene of his most sumptuous entertainments. 
The taste of Vespasian preferred them to the palace of the Caesars. 
Even the virtuous Ncrva, and stern Aurelian, were so attracted by their 
beauty, that, while at Rome, they made them their constant abode. 1 — In 
these gardens, or in his villa at Tibur, Sallust passed the concluding years 
of his life, dividing his time between literary avocations and the society 
of his friends, among whom he numbered Lucuilus, Messala, and Corne- 
lius Nepos. 

II. But, my dear Doctor, if such were Sallust's friends, and such his 
favourite studies, how is it possible that he could have indulged in that 
excessive libertinism which has been so often imputed to him! 

Dr. B. Your question, 11 i put, and certainly does not 

admit of an easy answer. I think it more than probable, therefore, that 
the historian has been here confounded with the dissolute individual of 
the same name whom Horace mentions in the first book of his satires. 
For my own part, I do not doubt, as I have already remarked, but that 
our author was a man of loose morals, and that he rapaciouslv plun- 
dered his province, like most Roman governors of the day. Still. 
never believe him to have been, as he is sometimes depicted, an aban- 
doned profligate. Much of the obloquy, that was heaped upon his name» 
appears to have emanated from political antagonists, and, of all things-in 
this world, political diatribes are assuredly the most pregnant with false- 
hood. Now Sallust, it seems, being the decided enemy of Pompey, 



1. Nardini Vet. Horn. A7.—Adler y Beschreib. ron Rom. p. 221 .— Gerhard • Bpist. 
ad Oerlach. p. 25—Dunlop°s Roman Literature, vol. ii,. p. 146. 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 



XV 



had said of that Roman, that he was a man u oris probi, animo invert-' 
cundo." Lenaeus, the freedman of Pompey, to whom you alluded a 
short time ago, avenged his master by the most virulent abuse of his 
enemy, in a work which would seem to have made a complete sacrifice 
of truth to invective 1 

H. From what premises. Doctor, do you draw this latter inference, 
since the work itself has not come down to us \ 

Dr. B. Why, Henry, we may fairly judge, I think, of the injustice 
which he did to the life of the historian, from what he says of him as 
an author. He calls him, as we learn from Suetonius, " nebulonem 
vita seriptisque monstrosum ; praeterea priscorum Catonisque inerudi- 
tissimum furem."2 This is the language of one of your thorough-going 
political partisans, who has entrusted hi3 reason as well as his principles to 
the safe-keeping of his leader — I wish we had the life of Sallust written 
Asconius Pedianus, in the age of Augustus ; it might have served 
as a corrective of the unfavourable irnpr* ch have been pro- 

duced by this libel, for it deserves no better name, of the freedman of 
Pompey. 

H. Aye, Doctor, but what will you sav to the declamation againat 
Sallust which has actually reached our times, and that too from the 
pen of Cicero 1 

Dr. B. Cicero never wrote it, Henry. It appeared long after the 
death of that orator, and is now generally assigned, by critics, to a rheto- 
rician in the reign of Claudius, called Porcius Latro. It is in the style 
of what we may suppose Lenaeus's work to have been, a tissue of invent* 
ed or exaggerated calumnies, altogether unworthy of grave credence. 3 

H. And yet, Doctor, I was told by Boydel, of Christ-church, no longer 
ago than last evening, that 1 . ssor at Am- 

sterdam, and all : of Prague, in their respective accounts of the 

life of Sallust, have adopted these very calumnies which you so openly 
condemn. 

Dr. B. Boydel should have told you also, Henry, that Sallust's char- 
acter has received more justice in the prefatory memoir and notes of De 
Brosses.* and from the researches of Wieland. 5 — But come, let us now 
consider Sallust as a writer. Which of the Greeks does he appear to 
you to resemble the most ? 

H. I should say, that his peculiar taste led him to select Thucyd- 
ides for his model. He had no one among his own countrymen to imi- 

1. Sueton. de Grammat. c. 15. 

2. SuetonA.c. 

3. SctwelL Hist. Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. Q3.—Dun!op, Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 149. 

4. Mem. de V Acad, des Inscript. vol. xxiv. p. dG&.—Ifistoirede la Repub. Rom, 
Tol.iii., p. 307. 

5. Ad. Horat Sat. 2, 43, p. 57-73. 



xv i LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 

tate in the art of historic composition, since that was irt a very low 
state when Sallust began to write. He, therefore, naturally recurred to 
the productions of the Greek historians, and attempted to transplant into 
his own language the vigour and conciseness which characterise in so 
eminent a degree the style of Thucydides. 1 

Dr. B. Very correctly remarked, my young friend, only you ought to 
have added, that the strict imitation, with which Sallust has followed 
his Grecian prototype, has gone far towards lessening the effect of his 
own original genius. Still we cannot but admire the wonderful success 
of the Roman writer, in imitating the vigour and conciseness of the 
Grecian historian, and infusing into his composition something of that 
dignified austerity which distinguishes the work of his great model. 

H. But, Doctor, you surely do not mean to be understood as affirm- 
ing, that Sallust's style is an imitation of that of Thucydides 1 

Dr. B. The question does you credit, Henry. I mean, when I say 
that Sallust imitates the historian of the Peloponnesian war, an imita- 
tion of his general manner, his rapidity, his force, his power of com- 
pression, rather than of his language. Thucydides, for example, often 
employs long and involved periods, while Sallust is ever abrupt and sen- 
tentious, even to a fault. — Have you taken notice how often the latter 
rejects the copulative \ 

H. I have, Doctor, and I think it produces a monotonous efTect, and 
a total want of that flow and variety which constitute the principal charm 
of the historic period. — I was walking yesterday, with a fellow-common- 
er of All-Souls, and, the conversation happening to turn upon Sallust, 
and the peculiarities of his style, we made up between us the following 
list of items, about which, my dear Doctor, although a little matter in it- 
self, I would like to have your opinion. — We noticed, in the first place, 
that, in the ablative absolute, he sometimes suppresses the noun ; as, 
proctitis quos ducebat ;' 2 and the antecedent to the relative ; as, quam ob 
quae pracdicabat.3 We observed also particular expressions frequently 
occurring ; as ex sentcntia, etiam turn, sine mora, cVc. Then again, we 
found several instances, where two words nearly synonymous were em- 
ployed ; as, earns, acceptusquc, — varius incertusquc, — bonum atquc hon- 
estum, — rogai atquc hortatur, &c. We remarked, also, the use of the 
infinitive for the gerund ; as gratificari for gratificandi,* — adgredi, for 
adgrcdiendi ; 5 and the omission of the connectives et and que occurs 
on almost every page. Another peculiarity, also, forced itself upon our 
attention, his use of two different constructions in the compass of the 



1. Duyilop's Ram. Lit. vol. ii. p. 149, Lond. ed. 

2. Jug. c. 108. 

3. Jug. c. 108. 

4. Jug. c . 3. 

5. Jug. c. 39. 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XVli 

same sentence ; and, as for his archaisms, we voted the greater part of 
them to be decided specimens oi the worst kind of affectation. — Well, 
Doctor, what do you think of our critique? 

Dr. B. I like it, Henry ; and think that you and your fellow-Oxonian 
have given a very fair sketch of the minor peculiarities of Sallust. 
"Whether his archaisms, however, deserve the name of affectations is a 
point on which you will find many differing from you. My own opinion 
is with you and your friend. Sallust introduces into his history a num- 
ber of words almost considered in his time as obsolete, and which were 
selected from the works of the older authors of Rome, particularly Cato 
the censor ; and it is here that he laid himself open to attack from Pollio 
in his letters to Plancus. His style, on the whole, indicates too much 
study and careful pruning, and is deficient in gracefulness and ease. I 
would not advise you to make him your model. 

H. iids me, Doctor, of old Roger Ascham's work, "The 

Schoolmaster," which I slightly examined the other day in the Bodleian, 
and where I found the opinion of Sir John Cheke relative to the merits 
of Sallust's Latinity. Sir John >aid, M that he could not recommend Sal- 
lust as a good pattern > voung men, because in his writings 
there was more art than nature, and more lal»our than art ; and in his 
ur, also, too much toil, as it in re with an uncontented care to write 
better than he could "—But, Doctor, how stands Sallust, as regards the 
delineation of character ? 

Dr. B I iff undoubted. Five or >ix of the characters 

drawn by him have been N -garded in all ages as master-pieces of their 
kind. I need hardly mention the | Jugurtha, and 

Marius, nor the celt \een Caesar and Cato. There 

is soiiiethinir m the latter which alw di me of the well-known 

sketch of Chatham, the father of Pitt : — t4 The secretary stood alone," 
&c. Cat Menial spirits, and a Pythagorean 

would cite them as an illustration of his doctrine of the metempsychosis. 

H. What thmk you, of the specimens of eloquence that are 

afford< es of Sal! 

Dr. B. I think them admirable of their kind, Henry, and in excellent 
keeping with the characters to whom they u lvely assigned. 

Nothing, for example, can be better adapted to the character of Caesar, 
as far as | tinted with it by contemporary testi- 

mony, than the cool, and argumentative, and specious harangue, in which 
he seeks to rescue the conspirators from the fate which is so justly their 
due. In like manner, the bold and fervid language assigned to the Ro- 
man Cato, makes him stand forth at once in bold relief, and in genuine 
colours, from amid the vice and degeneracy of his time. And, again, in 
Memmins, we have the bold and aspiring leader of the populace, aiming 
blow after blow against the ill-gotten power of a corrupt aristocracy ; 

2* 



xviii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 

while the words of Marius are the effusions of a blunt and gallant soldier 
who had as yet displayed no traces of the cold-blooded assassin, the 
tyrant, buffoon, and usurper. 

H. But is it possible, Dr. Barton, that Sallust can be correct, in 
making Caesar a sceptic with regard to the soul's immortality 1 

Dr. B. Aye, Henry, and worse than a sceptic, a downright unbeliever. 
The whole tenour of Caesar's life is in strict accordance with this. His 
secret disregard for all morality, his open contempt for all honourable 
principles, his cold and selfish and murderous ambition, as if the lives 
of his fellow-men were but the playthings of an hour — every thing, in 
short, in the character of this remarkable man, reveals to our view a 
bosom warmed by no spark of social feeling, but as dark and as silent as 
the grave. It was but natural, therefore, that such a mind should see, 
or rather wish to see, in the horizon of the future, nothing but the gloom 
of annihilation, and should regard the doctrine of a future state of exist- 
ence as a bubble and a dream. How different from all this is the lan- 
guage of our own philosopher, who had penetrated deeply into the mys- 
teries of nature, and yet, with humbled feelings, could stoop to kindle 
the torch of knowledge at the altars of his God. " I envy no quality 
of the mind," he remarks, " or of intellect in others, be it genius, power, 
wit, or fancy : but if I could choose what would be most delightful, and 
I believe most useful to me, I should prefer a firm religious belief to 
every other blessing ; for it makes life a discipline of goodness ; creates 
new hopes, when all earthly hopes vanish ; and throws over the decay, 
the destruction of existence, the most gorgeous of all lights ; awakens 
life even in death, and from corruption and decay calls up beauty and 
divinity ; makes an instrument of torture and shame the ladder of ascent 
to Paradise ; and, far above all combinations of earthly hopes, calls up 
the most delightful visions of palms and amaranths, the gardens of the 
blest, the security of everlasting joys, where the sensualist and the sceptic 
view only gloom, decay, annihilation, and despair." 

H. Beautifully expressed, Dr. Barton, and as true as it is beautiful. 
You are quoting, if I mistake not, Sir Humphrey Davy, the pride of 
English science. i — How meanly, by the side of this, appear the atheisti- 
cal speculations of La Place, who could see in the wonders of the uni- 
verse no indications of the finger of a Deity. 

Dr. B. Why, Henry, as for atheists, if such singular beings do in 
fact exist, there is one simple argument which they can never answer. 
Ere we can say that there is no God, we must have roamed over all 
nature, and seen that no mark of a divine footstep was there ; and we 
must have gotten intimacy with every existent spirit in the universe, and 



h Salmonia, p. 158, Lond. ed. 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. XIX 

learned from each that never did a revelation of the Deity visit him ; 
and vvc must have searched, not into the records of one solitary planet, 
but into the archives of all worlds, and thence gathered, that, throughout 
the wide realms of immensity, not one exhibition of a reigning and living 
God ever has been made. In other words, before man can deny the 
existence of God, he must be a God himself, for he must possess the 
ubiquity and omniscience of the Godhead. 1 — But let us return from our 
digression. Where were we 1 

H. We were alluding to the skill which Sallust displays in adapting 
his speeches to different characters. 

Dr. B. Well, then, we will now take up the consideration of his 
works. — The first production of Sallust was the " Conspiracy of Cati- 
line." He had attained the age of twenty-two years when the conspiracy 
broke out, and was an eye-witness of the whole proceedings. He had, 
therefore, every means in his power for giving an accurate history of this 
very remarkable event, nor has he neglected to employ them. In the 
detail of facts, he is entitled to our fullest confidence ; for, in every thing 
of importance, he coincides fully with Cicero, whose Catilinarian orations 
form, in fact, an excellent commentary on the work of the historian. 
But Sallust lived too near the times which he describes to be an impar- 
tial writer. Private animosity and party feeling warped his judgment ; 
and it is frequently but too apparent, that we are listening not to the 
philosophic historian, but to the political partisan. He is too favourable 
to Caesar ; he is unjust towards Cicero ; and, although fond of display- 
ing his skill in drawing characters, he exercises none of it on the Roman 
orator. But to this we have already alluded. As for the preface to the 
work, it is, like that to the Jugurthine War, rather a compliment paid by 
the author to his own character and pursuits, than a pertinent introduc- 
tion to an historical narrative. 

H. With regard, Doctor, to the subject of that narrative, do you not 
think the picture of the conspiracy is somewhat overcharged, and that 
it was merely an effort, on the part of the lower orders, to break the 
chains imposed upon them by an odious and tyrannical aristocracy I 

Dr. B. Some persons, at the present day, are inclined to favour this 
opinion^ Henry, but I am afraid they are guided, in forming it, rather too 
much by their own private feelings and the political aspect of their own 
times. They appear to forget altogether the character of the leader in 
this nefarious undertaking, and do not perceive that, if his immediate 
followers were oppressed by any thing, it was by the heavy burden of 
their own vices. But of all this we will talk at some other time. — 

1. Ckalmer's Bridgewater Treatise, vol. ii. p. 262, Lond. ed. 

2. Westminster Review, No. xxxiii. p. 145, seqq. 



xx LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. 

Let us proceed to the Jugurthine war. Although not an eye-witness 
of this contest, yet Sallust's situation, as governor of Numidia, which 
seems to have suggested the composition, was favourable to the author- 
ity of the work, as it afforded him the means of collecting materials 
and procuring information. 

H. Do you think, Doctor, that his residence in Africa was of any 
advantage to him as regarded a knowledge of its earlier history 1 

Dr. B. Of none whatever. His account of the first settling of Africa 
is a mere fable, although he quotes in its behalf the Punic books of King 
Hiempsal, (referring probably to documents preserved in his archives.i) 
and the traditions of the inhabitants themselves. His geographical 
descriptions, however, if we except a few slight errors, are extremely 
valuable. — But to return to his account of the war. Sallust has been 
charged with partiality towards the character of Marius, and with giving, 
for the sake of his favourite leader, an unfair account of the massacre 
at Vaga. In this, however, I cannot concur ; and the best answer to 
the charge in question is the ample justice which he does to Metellus, 
in describing the war as almost brought to a close by him previous to 
the arrival of Marius. As a piece of composition, this narrative deserves 
to rank very highly, and the varying nature of the contest, the talents, 
the endless resources, the total want of principle, the sufferings of con- 
science, which are all found combined in the character of Jugurtha, 
stand forth in vivid and picturesque colours, and convey a moral lesson 
not easy to be effaced. i 

H. 1 have often dwelt upon that picture, Dr. Barton, and upon the 
miseries of suspicion and remorse which Jugurtha created for himself by 
his own atrocities ; and it has been often a question with me, whether 
he were not more wretched, on the throne, than in the dungeon where 
he terminated his miserable existence. 

Dr. B. Let us pass now to the History of Sallust. This was a civil 
and military history of the republic, in five books, including a period, 
however, of only thirteen years, from the resignation of the dictatorship 
by Sylla, till the promulgation of the Manilian law. The period thus 
embraced was a short but momentous one ; Mithridates, in the East, 
displaying all the resources of his powerful gen'us against the Roman 
rule, and Sertorius, in the Weil, turning the arms of the republic against 
itself, while the bosom of Italy was the scene of a formidable commo- 
tion, excited by a host of gladiators and slaves. The work was intro- 
duced by two discourses, the one containing a delineation of the crovern- 
ment of Rome, and the habits and manners of its people, from the 

1. Lhinlop's Roman Lit., vol. ii. p. 155, Lond. ed. 

2. Dunlop's Roman Lit., vol. ii. p. 156. 



LIFE AND WRITINGS OF SALLUST. Xli 

earliest period to the commencement of the civil wars ; the other 
giving a general view of the dissensions between Sylla and Marius. 1 

H. Why, Doctor, it must have connected the termination of the 
Jugurthine war with the commencement of Catiline's conspiracy. What 
a pity it has not come down to us. 

Dr. B. And the more so, too, since all the accounts of Roman his- 
tory which have been written are defective during the very period which 
it embraced. Nearly seven hundred fragments, belonging to it, have 
been collected from scholiasts and grammarians, by the President de 
Brosses, 2 but they are too short and unconnected to serve any valuable 
purpose. AVhen I say this, however, I mean to be understood as except- 
ing four orations and two letters, and a fragment giving a description 
of a splendid entertainment, with which Metellus was honoured on his 
return, after a year's absence, to his «jovi rnment of Farther Spain. This 
work was the production of Sallusf s matured intellect, and the last 
which he composed. It was inscribed to Lucullus, the son of the cele- 
brated commander. 

H. Are there not, Doctor, two political discourses, concerning the 
administration of the government, in the form of letters to Julius Caesar, 
which are supposed to have been the productions of Salli. 

Dr. B. Thev are commonly ti. imposed by him, 

but the grounds of this opinion are far from satisfactory to one who 
exam with any attention. 3 

H. Many thanks to you, my dear Doctor, for your kindness in 
devoting so much of your valuable tune to this notice of Sallust and 
his writings. I I be able to profit by them in the prosecution 

of my print* :iid that it will be allowed me occasionally to con- 

sult you on other points of classical bi 

\\. You will always find DM ready, and willing, Henry, to co- 
operate in so praiseworthy an undertaking. God bless you, my dear 

i Income in after-life an honour to your friein 
an ornament to our common country : for the truest definition of happi- 
I, a cultivated intellect in unison with a virtuous heart. — Farewell. 

1. Fuhric. Dibl. Lut.. vol i. p.n ..; , p. 45.— Kreysig. Com- 
ment. < •. v,>l. ii.p. 10.— Baehr, Gesch. Rum. Lit., p. 381.— Mullet; 

fmek. i vol. i. p. 9. 

2. Hist, dc la Republ. Romaine, par Salluste, en par tie trad, du Latin, en 
partie retablie et composlt sur les fragment, par Ch. de Brosses, Dijon, 1777. 

3. Fabric. Bibl. Lat., vol. l. p. 239. — Douza, ad Jragm. Sail., p. 153, seqq. — 
Gerlach, vol. ii. p. 14, soft.— Wolf. Praef. ad Cic. Or. pro Marcell, p. 8, col. \ 



C. CRISPI 

S ALLU STI1 

BELLUM JUGURTHINUM. 



I. ^also queritur dfl - humanuin, \ 

mbecilla titqoc aeri bm •, quam virtute 

regatur. N 

que praestabilitu .<• naturae iadsatriajn 

hominum, quam rim Mil tem] 1 dux atque 

imperatoi ritaa movtaliam animus eat : qui, aba id ulori- 
am wrmtis via T gr ibunda B polleiii p a et 

clai rtunae < : p TftMtatTffl n. in- 

duatriam, al. que dare, Deque eripere po- 

cupidin. ini rtiam rt | 

hipfe iuludine 

paulliapei nana, obi pa afirnrriitm fins, teaq ai- 

uin defl Uirar inlirmitas arcusalur : wi>- 

que culpa in ■ ho- 

mi j i * t ova esset, quanto studio 

aliciia iC nihil prui'umra, inullumqui- rtiam prnculoaa, 
petonl ; i4 U( :ur ma^is. quam >us, 

et eo magnitudin at, 15 ubi, pro mortalibus, glo- 

ria aeterni fierent 

II. Nam, uti 16 genus hominum compositum ai aiiima et 
corpore, ita rea cunctae, studiaque omnia nostra, corpo- 
ris alia, alia aniini naturain : ~>rquuntur. Igitur 18 praeclara 
facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis, alia hujusce- 
modi, omnia brevi ^dilabuntur ; at 20 ingenii egregia facino- 
ra, sicuti anima, immortalia sunt. Postremo, 21 corporis 

3 



2 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

et fortunae bonorum, ut initium, finis est : omnia orta oc- 
cidunt, et aucta senescunt : animus incorruptus, aeter- 
nus, rector humani generis, x agit atque habet cuncta, ne- 
que ipse habetur. 2 Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda 
est, qui, dediti corporis gaudiis, per luxum atque igna- 
viam aetatem agunt ; ceterum ingenium, quo neque me- 
lius, neque amplius aliud in natura mortalium est, 3 incul- 
tu atque secordia torpescere sinunt ; cum praesertim tarn 
multae variaeque sint 4 artes animi, quibus summa clari- 
tudo paratur. 

III. Verum 6 ex his magistratus et imperia, posrremo 
6 omnis cura rerum publicarum, minume mihi hac tempes- 
tate cupiunda videntur : 7 quoniam neque virtuti honos da- 
tur ; neque illi, quibus per fraudem jus fuit, tuti, aut eo 
magis honesti sunt. Nam vi quidem regere patriam, aut 
8 parentes, quamquam et possis, et 9 delicta corrigas, ta- 
men importunum est ; cum praesertim omnes rerum mu- 
tationes caedem, fugam, aliaque hostilia portendant ; frus- 
tra autem niti, neque aliud 10 fatigando, nisi odium, quae- 
rere, extremae dementiae est ; nisi forte 11 quem inhonesta 
et perniciosa lubido tenet, potentiae paucorum decus at- 
que libertatem suam l2 gratificari. 

IV. Ceterum, ex aliis negotiis 13 quae ingenio exercen- 
tur, in primis magno usui est u memoria rerum gestarum : 
cujus de virtute quia multi dixere, praetereimdum puto ; 
simul, ne, 15 per insolentiam, quis existumet, memet, stu- 
dium laudando, extollere. Atque ego credo fore qui, quia 
decrevi procul 16 a republica aetatem agere, tanto tamque 
utili labori meo nomen inertiae imponant ; 17 certe, quibus 
maxuma industria videtur, 18 salutare plebem, et contiriis 
gratiam quaerere. Qui si reputaverint, et 19 quibus ego 
temporibus magistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri idem 
adsequi nequiverint, et postea quae genera hominum in 
8enatum pervenerint ; profecto existumabunt, me magis 
20 merito, quam ignavia, judicium aninn mutavisse, majus- 
que commodum ex otio meo, quam ex aliorum negotiis, 
reipublicae venturum. Nam saepe audivi, 21 Q. Maxu- 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 3 

mum, P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae prae- 
claros viros solitos ita dicere, cum majorum 1 imagines 

INTUERENTUR, VEHEMENTISSUME SIBI ANIMUM AD VIRTTJ- 

tem accendi. 2 Scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, 
tantam vim in sese habere ; sed, memoria rerum gesta- 
rum, earn ■ flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere, ne- 
que prius sedari, quam virtus 3 eorum famam atque glo- 
riam adaequaverit. At contra, quis est omnium, 4 his mori- 
bus, quin divitiis et sumtibus, non probitate neque indus- 
tria, cum majoribus suis contendat ? etiam 5 homines novi, 
qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, 
6 furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad 
imperia et honor es nituntur ; proinde quasi praetura et 
consulatus, atque alia omnia hujuscemodi, per se ipsa clara, 
magnifica sint, 7 ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum qui 
sustinent virtus est. Verum ego 8 liberius altiusque pro- 
cessi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque : nunc ad 
inceptum redeo. 

V. Bellum scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus 
cum 9 Jugurtha, rege Numidarum, gessit : primum, quia 
magnum et 10 atrox, variaque victoria fuit : dein, quia turn 
primum superbiae nobilitatis n obviam itum est ; quae con- 
tentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit, eoque vecor- 
diae processit, uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas 
Italiae finem faceret. Sed, priusquam hujuscemodi rei 
initium expedio, 12 pauca supra repetam ; 13 quo, ad cognos- 
cendum, omnia illustria magis, magisque in aperto sint. 
u Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hanni- 
bal, post magnitudinem nominis Romani, Italiae opes 
maxume adtriverat, Masinissa, rex Numidarum, in ami- 
citia receptus a P. Scipione, 15 cui postea Africano cog- 
nomen ex virtute fuit, multa et 16 praeclara rei militaris faci- 
nora fecerat : ob quae, victis Carthaginiensibus, et capto 
Syphace, cujus in Africa magnum atque late imperium 
valuit, populus Romanus, quascumque urbis et agros manu 
ceperat, 17 regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae 
bona atque honesta nobis permansit : 18 imperii vitaeque 



4 SALLUST1I JUGURTHA. 

ejus finis idem fuit. Dein Micipsa, films, regnum solus 
obtihuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa, fratribus, morbo x ab- 
sumtis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit ; 
Jugurthamque, Mastanabalis fratris filium, quern Masinis- 
sa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum reliquerat, Mo- 
dern cultu, quo liberos suos, domi habuit. 

VI. Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora 
facie, sed multo maxume ingenio validus, non se 3 iuxu, 
neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit ; sed, uti mos gentis 
illius est, 4 equitare, jaculari, cursu cum aequalibus cer- 
tare : 5 et, cum omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus 
esse : ad hoc, pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem 
atque alias feras primus, aut in primis ferire : plurimum 
facere, minumum ipse de se loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa 
tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existumans virtutem Jugurthae 
regno suo gloriae fore ; tamen, postquam 6 hominem ado- 
lescentem, exacta sua aetate, parvis liberis, 7 magis ma- 
gisque crescere intellegit, vehementer negotio permotus, 
multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat natura mortali- 
um, 8 avida imperii, et praeceps ad explendam animi cu- 
pidinem : praeterea opportunitas suaeque et liberorum 
aetatis, quae etiam mediocris viros spe praedae transvor- 
sos agit : ad hoc, studia Numidarum in Jugurtham accensa ; 
ex quibus, si talem virum interfecisset, ne qua 9 seditio, aut 
bellum oriretur, anxius erat. 

VII. His difticultatibus circumventus, ubi videt, neque 
per vim, neque insidiis, opprimi posse hominem tarn ac- 
ceptum 10 popidaribus ; quod erat Jugurtha manu promtus 
et adpetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum objectare pe- 
riculis, et eo modo fortunam tentare. Igitur, bello ll Nu- 
mantino, Micipsa, cum populo Romano equitum atque 
peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans, vel ostentando virtu- 
tem, vel hostium saevitia, facile occasurum, praefecit 
Numidis quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res longe 
aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam Jugurtha, ut erat 12 im- 
pigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui 
turn Romanis imperator, et morem hostium cognovit ; 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 5 

multo Iabore, multaque cura, praeterea modestissume pa- 
rendo, et saepe obviam eundo periculis, in tantam claritu- 
dinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, 
Numantmis maxumo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod diffi- 
cillumum in primis est, et praelio strenuus erat, et bonus 
consilio ; 1 quorum alterum ex providentia timorem, alterum 
ex audacia temeritatera adferre plerumque solet. Igitur 
imperator omnis fere 2 res asperas per Jugurtham agere, 
in amicis habere, magis magisque in dies amplecti ; 
quippe cujus neque consilium, neque inceptum ullura 
frustra erat. Hue accedebat 3 munincentia animi, et in- 
genii sollertia, quis rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari 
amicitia conjunxerat. 

VIII. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complu- 
res, novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque 
4 potiores erant, factiosi, doini potentes, apud socios clari 
magis, quam honesti : qui Jugurthae 5 non mediocrem ani- 
mum pollicitando accendebant, si micipsa rex occidis- 

SET, FORE, UTI SOLUS IMPERII NUMIDIAE POTIRETUR : IN 
IPSO MAXUMAM VIRTUTEM, 6 ROMAE OMNIA VENALIA ESSE. 

Sed postquam, Numantia deleta, P. Scipio dimittere aux- 
ilia, ipse 7 revorti domum decrevit ; donatum atque lauda- 
turn magniiice pro concione Jugurtham in praetorium 
abduxit, ibique secreto monuit, " uti potius 8 publice, quam 
privatim, amicitiam populi R. coleret ; neu quibus largin 
insuesceret : periculose a paucis emi, quod multorum 
esset : si permanere vellet 9 in suis artibus, ultro illi et 
gloriam, et regnum venturum ; sin properantius pergeret, 
suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum." 

IX. Sic locutus, cum Uteris, quas Micipsae redderet, 
dimisit : earum sententia haec erat. " Jugurthae tui hel- 
lo Numantino longe maxuma virtus fuit ; quam rem tibi 
certo scio gaudio esse : nobis ob merita carus est ; uti 
idem senatui sit et populo Romano, summa ope nitemur, 
Tibi quidem 10 pro nostra amicitia gratulor : en habes vi* 
rum dignum te, atque avo suo Masinissa." 11 Igitur rex, 
ubi, quae fama acceperat, ex literis imperatoris ita esse; 

3* 



6 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

cognovit, cum virtute viri, turn gratia permotus, rlexit 
animum suum, et Jugurtham beneficiis vincere adgressus 
est ; statimque adoptavit, et testamento pariter cum filiis 
heredem instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos, morbo 
atque aetate confectus, cum sibi finem vitae adesse intel- 
legeret, coram amicis et cognatis, item Adherbale et 
Hiempsale filiis, dicitur hujuscemodi verba 1 cum Jugur- 
tha habuisse. 

X. " Parvum ego, Jugurtha, te, amisso patre, sine spe, 
sine opibus, 2 in meum regnum accepi ; existumans non 
minus me tibi quam liberis, si genuissem, ob beneficia 
carum fore : 3 neque ea res falsum habuit. Nam, ut alia 
magna et egregia tua omittam, novissume, rediens Nu- 
mantia, meque regnumque meum 4 gloria honoravisti : tua 
virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissumos fecisti : in 
Hispania nomen familiae renovatum : postremo, quod diffi- 
cillumum inter mortalis, gloria invidiam vicisti. Nunc, 
quoniam mihi natura vitae finem facit, per hanc dextram, 
Sper regni fidem moneo obtestorque, uti hos, qui tibi 
genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas ; 
neu malis alienos adjungere, quam sanguine conjunctos 
retinere. 6 Non exercitus, neque thesauri praesidia regni 
sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere, neque auro 
parare queas : officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem 
amicior, quam frater fratri ? aut quern alienum fidum in* 
venies, si tuis hostis fueris ? Equidem ego vobis regnum 
trado firmum, si boni eritis ; sin mali, imbecillum. Nam 
concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae 7 dila- 
buntur. Ceterum ante hos te, Jugurtha, qui aetate et 
sapientia prior es, 8 ne aliter quid eveniat, providere 
decet. Nam, in omni certamine, qui opulentior est, 
etiamsi accipit injuriam, quia plus potest, facere videtur. 
Vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate talem 
hunc virum, imitamini virtutem, et enitimini, ne ego 
meliores liberos sumsisse videar, quam genuisse." 

XI. Ad ea Jugurtha, tametsi regem 9 ficta locutum in- 
tellegebat, et ipse longe aUter animo agitabat, tamen pro 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 7 

tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa paucis diebus mo- 
ritur. Postquam illi, more regio, x justa magnifice fece- 
rant, reguli in unum convenere, uti inter se de cunctis 
negotiis disceptarent. Sed Hiempsal, qui minumus ex 
illis, natura 2 ferox, etiam ante a ignobilitatem Jugurthae, 
quia materno genere impar erat, despiciens, 3 dextra Ad- 
herbalem adsedit ; ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Nu- 
midas honori ducitur, Jugurtha foret. Dein tamen, uti 
aetati concederet, fatigatus a fratre, vix in partem alteram 
transductus est. Ibi, 4 cum multa de administrando imperio 
dissererent, Jugurtha inter alias res jacit : oportere 

QUINQUENNII CONSULTA OMNIA ET DECRETA RESCINDI ; 
NAM PER EA TEMPORA CONFECTUM ANNIS MICIPSAM PARUM 
ANIMO VALUISSE. TuM IDEM, Hiempsal, PLACERE SIBI, 

respondit ; nam 5 ipsum ileum tribus his proxumis an- 

NIS ADOPTATIONE IN REGNUM PERVENISSE. Quod Verbum 

in pectus Jugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus, descen- 
dit. Itaque, ex eo tempore, ira et metu anxius moliri, pa- 
rare atque ea modo animo habere, quibus Hiempsal per 
dolum caperetur. Quae ubi tardius procedunt, neque leni- 
' tur animus ferox, statuit quo vis modo inceptum perficere. 
XII. Primo conventu, quern ab regulis factum supra 
! memoravi, 6 propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesau- 
I ros, finisque imperii singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad 
| utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam 
; distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesau- 
I ris alius alio concessere. Sed Hiempsal, in oppido 
Thirmida, forte ejus domo utebatur, qui, 7 proxumus lictor 
Jugurthae, carus acceptusque semper fuerat ; 8 quem ille 
; casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat, uti tamquam 
! suam visens domum eat, portarum clavis adulterinas pa- 
! ret ; nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur ; ceterum t 
; ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. 
; Numida mandata brevi confecit ; atque, ut doctus erat, 
| noctu Jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in 
■ aedis irrupere, 9 diversi regem quaerere : dormientis alios, 
] alios occursantis interficere : scrutari loca abdita ; clausa 



8 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, 

effringere : strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere : cum 
Hiempsal interim reperitur, occultans sese tugurio mu- 
lieris ancillae, quo, initio, pavidus et ignarus loci, perfu- 
gerat. Numidae caput ejus, ut jussi erant, ad Jugurtham 
referunt. 

XIIL Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam 
brevi divulgatur : Adherbalem 1 omnisque, qui sub imperio 
Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit : in duas partis disce- 
dunt : plures Adherbalem sequuntur, sed ilium alterum 
bello meliores. Igitur Jugurtha quam maxumas potest 
copias armat ; urbis 2 partim vi, alias voluntate imperio 
suo adjungit ; omni Numidiae imperare parat. Adherbal, 
3 tamen etsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum doce- 
rent de caede fratris et fortunis suis ; tamen, fretus mul- 
titudine militum, parabat armis contendere. Sed, ubi res 
ad certamen vcnit, victus ex praelio profugit in 4 pro\in- 
ciam, ac deinde Romam contendit. Turn Jugurtha, 5 pa- 
tratis consiliis, in otio facinus suum cum animo reputans, 
timere populum Romanum, neque advorsus iram ejus 
usquam, nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua, spem 
habere. Itaque paucis diebus cum auro et argento multo 
Romam mittit, 6 quis praecepit, uti primum veteres amicos 
muneribus expleant ; deinde novos adquirant ; postremo, 
quemcumque possint largiundo parare, ne cunctentur. 
Sed, ubi Romam legati venere, et, ex praecepto regis, 
hospitibus, 7 aliisque, quorum ea tempestate auctoritas pol- 
lebat, magna munera misere ; tanta commutatio incessit, 
uti ex maxuma invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis 
Jugurtha veniret ; quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti, 
8 singulos ex senatu ambiundo, nitebantur, ne gravius in 
eum consuleretur. Igitur, legati ubi satis conndunt, die 
constituto, 9 senatus utrisque datur. Turn Adherbalem hoc 
modo locutum accepimus. 

XIV. u Patres conscripti, Micipsa, pater meus, niori- 
ens, praecepit, uti regnum Numidiae tantummodo 10 procu- 
ratione existumarem meum ; ceterum jus et imperium 
penes vos esse : simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 9 

maxumo usui esse populo Romano : vos mihi 1 cognatorum 
vos in adiinium locum ducerem : si ea fecissem, in ves- 
tra amicitia exercitum, divitias, munimenta regni 2 habere. 
Quae cum praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Jugurtha, 
homo omnium, quos terra sustinet, sceleratissimus, con- 
temto imperio vestro, Masinissae me nepotem, et jam ab 
stirpe socium et amicum populo Romano, regno fortu- 
nisque omnibus expulit. 3 Atque ego, Patres conscripti, 
quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram, 4 vellem, potius ob 
mea, quam ob majorum beneficia posse auxilium petere ; 
ac maxume deberi mihi a populo Romano, quibus non 
egerem ; secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis 
uterer. Sed, quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas, 
5 neque mihi in manu fuit, Jugurtha qualis foret ; ad vos 
confugi, Patres conscripti, quibus, quod miserrumum, co- 
gor prius oneri, quam usui esse. Ceteri reges, aut bello 
victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti, aut in suis dubiis rebus 
societatem vestram adpetiverunt : familia nostra cum pop- 
ulo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit ; 6 quo 
tempore magis fides ejus, quam fortuna petenda erat. 
7 Quorum progeniem vos, Patres conscripti, nolite pati frus- 
tra a vobis auxilium petere. Si ad impetrandum nihil 
caussae haberem, praeter miserandam fortunam ; quod 
paullo ante rex, genere, fama atque copiis potens, nunc 
deformatus aerumnis, inops, alienas opes exspecto ; 8 tamen 
erat majestatis Romani populi, prohibere injuriam, neque 
cujusquam regnum per scelus cresceret. Yerum ego his 
finibus ejectus sum, quos majoribus meis populus Roma- 
nus dedit ; unde pater et avus una vobiscum expulere 
Syphacem et Carthaginienses. Vestra beneficia erepta 
sunt, Patres conscripti : 9 vos in mea injuria despecti estis. 
Eheu me miserum ! Huccine, Micipsa pater, beneficia 
evasere, uti, quem tu parem cum liberis, regnique par- 
ticipem fecisti, is 10 potissumum stirpis tuae extinctor sit ? 
Nunquamne ergo familia nostra quieta erit 1 11 semperne 
in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur I Dum Carthaginienses 
incolumes fuere, jure omnia saeva patiebamur : hostes ab 



10 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. Post- 
quam 1 illa pestis ejecta, laeti pacem agitabamus ; quippe 
quis hostis nullus, nisi forte quern jussissetis. Ecce 
autem ex improviso, Jugurtha, intoleranda audacia, scelere 
atque superbia 2 sese ecferens, fratre meo, atque eodem 
propinquo suo interfecto, priraum regnum ejus sceleris 
sui praedam fecit : post, ubi me 3 isdem dolis nequit ca- 
pere, nihil minus, quam vim, aut bellum exspectantem, 
in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, 4 extorrem patria, domo, 
inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubi vis tutius, 
quam in meo regno essem. Ego sic existumabam, Pa- 
tres conscripti, ut praedicantem audiveram patrem me urn. 
qui vestram amicitiam colerent, i iltmn lah 

suscipere ; ceterum ex omnibus ma xui ne tutos esse. 
6 Quod in faniilia nostra fiat, praestitit, uti in omnibus 
bellis vobis adcssent ; nos uti per otiiun t ut i mih; 
manu vestra est, Patres conscripti. Pater nos duos fra- 
tres reliquit ; 7 tertiuni, Jogmtham, bent Bin* ratus 

nobis conjunctum fore : alter eonmi n< ratus, alu-rius ipse 
ego mamn imj flu^i. Quid agam ? quopotissumum 

infelix accedam ! KSeneru ia omnia < sunt: 

pater, uti nrcesse era!, naturae 00 

niinuine decuit, propiiu]iius, per scelus, vitam eripuit : 
10 adtines, amicos. propinquos i ilium alia clades 

oppressit : capti ab Jugurtha, u pars in cnn . pars 

bestiis objecti ; pauci, quibus relicta anima, clausi in 
bris, cum moerore et luetu, morte uraworem vitam 
gunt. Si omnia, quae aut annsi, aut ex m 
advorsa facta sunt, incolumia manerent, tainen, si quid ex 
improviso accidisset, vos implorarem, Patn ripti ; 

quibus, pro magnitudine imperii, jus et injurias omnis eurae 
esse decet. 13 Nune veto exsul patria, don i 'mili- 

um honestarum rerum egens, quo accedam, aut qu 
lem ? nationesne, an leges, qui omnes familiae nofl 
15 ob vestram amicitiam infesti sunt ! an quoquam adire 
licet, ubi non majorum meorum hoshlia monumenta plu- 
rima ? aut quisquam nostn misereri potest, qui aliquando 






SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

vobis hostis fuit ? 1 Postremo, Masinissa nos ita instituit, 
Patres conscripti, ne quern coleremus, nisi populum Ro- 
manum, ne societates, ne foedera nova acciperemus : 
abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore : si 
huic imperio fortuna mutaretur, 2 una nobis occidendum 
esse. Yirtute ac dis volentibus 3 magni estis et opulenti : 
omnia secunda et obedientia sunt : quo facilius sociorum 
injurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor, ne 4 quos pri- 
vata amicitia Jugurthae, parum cognita, transvorsos agat : 
quos ego audio maxuma ope niti, ambire, 5 fatigare vos 
singulos, ne quid de absente, incognita caussa, statuatis : 
fingere me verba, fagam simulare, cui licuerit in regno 
manere. 6 Quod utinam ilium, cujus impio facinore, in 
has miserias projectus sum, eadem haec simulantem vi- 
deam ; et aliquando ant apud vos, aut apud deos immor- 
talis, rerum human arum cura oriatur : T ne, ille, qui nunc 
sceleribus suis ferox atquc pracelarus est, omnibus malis 
excruciatus, impiotatis in pareiitnii nostrum, iratris mei 
necis. mearumque miseriarum gravis peftnai raddet 8 Jam 
jam, frater, animo meo carisMimc. quamquam immaturo, 
et unde minume decuit, vita eivpta est ; tamen laetan- 
dum magis, quam dolendum puto casum tuum ; non enim 
regnum, sed fugain, exilium, egestatem, et omnis has, 
quae me preinunt, aerumnas cum aniina simul amisisti. 
At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio reg- 
no, 9 rerum hiunanariun Bpectaculum praebeo, incertus quid 
agam ; tuasne injurias persequar, ipse auxilii egens, an 
regno consulam, cujus vitae necisque potestas ex opibus 
alienis pendet Utinam 10 emori fortunis meis honestus 
exitus esset, n neu jure contemtus viderer, si, defessus 
malis, injuriae concessissem. Nunc 12 neque vivere lubet, 
neque mori licet sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per 
vos, per liberos atque parentes, per majestatem populi 
Romani subvenite misero mihi ; ite obviam injuriae ; 
nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus 
et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere." 

XV. Postquam rex finem loquendi fecit, legati Jugur- 



12 SALLTJSTII JUGURTHA. 

thae largitione magis, quam 1 caussa freti, paucis respon- 
dent : " Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis inter- 
fectum : Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquam 
superatus sit, queri, quod injuriam facere nequivisset : 
Jugurtham ab senatu petere, ne alium putarent, ac Nu- 
mantiae cognitus esset, neu verba inimici ante facta sua 
ponerent." Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur. Senatus 
statim consulitur : fautores legatorum, praeterea magna 
pars, 2 gratia depravati, Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Ju- 
gurthae virtutem extollere laudibus ; gratia, voce, denique 
omnibus modis, pro alieno scelere et flagitio, sua quasi 
pro gloria, nitebantur. At contra pauci, quibus bonum et 
aequum divitiis 3 carius, subveniundum Adherbali, et Hi- 
empsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant : sed ex 
omnibus maxume Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, impi- 
ger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum ; cct- 
erum vitia sua callide occultans. Is postquam videt regis 
largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in tali 
re solet, ne polluta licentia invidiam accenderet, animum 
a consueta lubidine continuit. 

XVI. Vicit tamen in senatu pars ilia, 4 qui vero pretium 
aut gratiam anteferebant. Decretum fit, uti decem 

LEGATI REGNUM, QUOD MICIPSA OBTIXUERAT, INTER JUGUR- 
THAM ET ADHERBALEM DIVIDEREXT \ ClljllS legationiS 

princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et turn in senatu 
potens ; quia consul, C. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco 
interfectis, acerrume victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exer- 
cuerat. Eum Jugurtha tametsi Romae in amicis habuerat, 
tamen 5 adcuratissume recepit ; dando et pollicitando per- 
fecit, uti famae, fide, postremo omnibus suis rebus commo- 
dum regis anteferret. Reliquos legates eadem via 
adgressus, plerosque capit ; paucis carior fides, quam 
pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae 6 Maureta- 
niam adtingit, agro, viris opulentior, Jugurthae traditur : 
illam alteram specie, quam usu, potior em, quae portuosior 
et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit. 

XVII. 7 Res postulare videtur Africae situm paucis 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 13 

exponere, et eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut ami- 
citia fuit, adtingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob 
calorem, aut asperitatem, item solitudines, minus frequen- 
tata sunt, *de is haud facile compertum narraverim : 
cetera quam paucissumis absolvam. In divisione orbis 
terrae plerique 2 in partem tertiam Africam posuere : 
pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse ; sed Africam 
in Europa. 3 Ea finis habet, ab occidente 4 fretum nostri 
maris et oceani ; ab ortu solis, 5 declivem latitudinem, 
quern locum Catabathmon incolae adpellant. Mare sae- 
vum. importuosum : ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, 
6 arbori infecundus : coelo, terra, penuria aquarum. Genus 
hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum : ple- 
rosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro, aut bestiis in- 
teriere : nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat. 
Ad hoc, malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui 
mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesse- 
rint, aut quomodo inter se permixti sint ; 7 quamquam ab 
ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diver sum est ; tamen, 
uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, 
interpretatum nobis est, utique rem sese habere cultores 
ejus terrae putant, quam paucissumis dicam. Ceterum 
rides ejus rei penes auctores erit. 

XVIII. Africam initio habuere 8 Gaetuli et Libyes, 
asperi, inculti ; quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi 
pabulum, uti pecoribus. Hi neque moribus, neque lege, 
neque imperio cujusquam regebantur : vagi, palantes, qua 
nox coegerat, sedes habebant. Sed, postquam in His- 
pania 9 Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus 
ejus, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce, ac pas- 
sim multis, sibi quique, imperium petentibus, brevi dilabitur. 
Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii, navibus in Afri- 
cam transvecti, proxumos nostro mari locos occupavere. 
Sed Persae 10 intra oceanum magis : iique alveos navium 
inversos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in 
agris, neque ab Hispanis 11 emundi, aut mutandi copia 
erat : mare magnum et ignara lingua commercia prohibe- 

4 



14 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

bant. Hi paullatim per connubia Gaetulos sibi miscuere : 
et, quia saepe Hentantes agros, alia, deinde alia loca 
petiverant, semet ipsi Numidas adpellavere. Ceterum 
adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae 2 mapalia illi 
vo cant, oblonga, 3 incurvis lateribus tecta, quasi navium 
carinae sunt. Medis autem et Armenis accessere Libyes 
(nam hi propius mare Africum agitabant ; Gaetuli 4 sub 
sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus) hique mature op- 
pida habuere ; nam, freto divisi ab Hispania, mutare res 
inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paullatim Libyes 
corrupere, barbara lingua 5 Mauros pro Medis adpellantes. 
Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit : ac postea 6 nomine 
Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, pos- 
sidere ea loca, quae proxume Carthaginem Numidia 
adpellatur. Dein 7 utrique, alteris freti, finitumos armis 
aut metu sub imperium cogere, nomen gloriamque sibi 
addidere ; magis hi qui ad nostrum mare processerant : 
quia Libyes, quam Gaetuli, minus bellicosi : denique 
Africae 8 pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est : 
victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium conce> 

XIX. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minu- 
endae gratia, pars imperii cupidine, sollicitata plebe, et 
aliis novarum rerum avidis, Hipponem, Hadrumetum, 
Leptim, aliasque urbis in ora maritima condidere : hae- 
que brevi multum auctae, pars 9 originibus praesidio, aliae 
decori fuere : nam de Carthagine silere melius puto, 
quam parum dicere ; quoniam alio properare tempus mo- 
net. Igitur 10 ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab 
Africa dividit, secundo mari, prima Cyrene est, colonia 
n Thereon, ac deinceps duae Spies, interque eas 12 Leptis : 
dein 13 Philaenon arae, quern, Aegyptum versus, rlnem 
imperii habuere Carthaginienses : 14 post aliae Punicae 
urbes. Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae te- 
nent : proxume Hispaniam Mauri sunt : super Xumidiam 
Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius 
vagos agitare ; post eos 15 Aethiopas esse ; dein loca 
exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Jugurthino 16 pleraque 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 15 

ex Punicis oppida. et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novis- 
sume habuerant, populus Romanus per magistrates ad- 
ministrabat : Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidia usque 
ad flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant : Mauris omnibus 
rex Bocchus 1 imperitabat, praeter nomen, cetera ignarus 
populi Romani ; itemque nobis neque bello, neque pace, 
antea cognitus. De Africa et ejus incolis ad necessitu- 
dinem rei satis dictum. 

XX. Postquam, regno diviso, legati Africa discessere, 
et Jugurtha contra 2 timorem animi praemia sceleris 
adeptum sese videt ; certum ratus, quod ex amicis apud 
Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul 
et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paullo ante 
muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum 
intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus : at is, 3 quem petebat, 
quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus injuriae, me- 
tuens magis, quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso, finis 
ejus cum magna manu invasit, multos mortalis cum pecore 
atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca 
hostiliter cum equitatu ace edit ; dein cum omni multitu- 
dine in regrmm snum 4 convertit, existumans dolore per- 
motum Adherbalem injurias suas manu vindicaturum, 
eamque rem belli caussam fore. At ille, quod neque se 
parein armis existumabat, et amicitia populi Romani ma- 
gis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Jugurtham de 
injuriis questum misit : qui tametsi 5 contumeliosa dicta 
retulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit, quam bellum 
sumere ; quia tentatum antea secus cesserat. Neque 
tamen eo magis cupido Jugurtbae minuebatur ; quippe qui 
totum ejus regnum 6 animo jam invaserat. Itaque non, 
ut antea, cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu 
comparato, bellum gerere coepit, et aperte totius Nu- 
midiae imperium petere. Ceterum, qua pergebat, urbis, 
agros vastare, praedas agere ; suis animum, terrorem 
hostibus auger e. 

XXI. Adherbal ubi intellegit, 7 eo processum, uti re- 
gnum aut relinquendum esset, aut armis retinendum, neces- 



16 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

sario copias parat, et Jugurthae obvius procedit. Interim 
haud longe a mari, prope Cirtam oppidum, utriusque 
consedit exercitus : et, quia die extremum erat, praelium 
non inceptum. Ubi pleruraque noctis processit, ^bscuro 
etiam turn lumine, milites Jugurthini, signo dato, castra 
hostium invadunt ; semisomnos partim, alios arma su- 
mentes fugant funduntque ; Adherbal cum paucis equiti- 
bus Cirtam profugit, et, ni multitudo togatorum fuisset, 
quae Numidas insequentes moenibus prohibuit, uno die 
inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. 
Igitur Jugurtha oppidum circumsedit, 2 vineis turribusque et 
machinis omnium generum expugnare adgreditur ; maxume 
festinans 3 tempus legatorum antecapere, quos, ante prae- 
lium factum, Romam ab Adherbale missos audiverat. Sed, 
postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres ado- 
lescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambo reges adeant, se- 
natus populique Romani verbis nunci Ik et censere, 
eos ab armis discedere ; de controversiis suis jure potius, 
quam bello disceptare ; ita seque illisque dignum fore." 

XXII. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis, 
quod Romae, dam profirisci parant, de pntfilio facto et op- 
pugnatione Cirtae audiebatur : sed is rumor 5 clemens erat. 
Quorum Jugurtha accepta oratione respondit : M sibi 
neque majus quidquam, neque carius auctoritate senati : 
ab adolescentia ita enisum, uti ab optumo quoque probare- 
tur : virtute, non malitia, P. Scipioni, summo viro, pla- 
cuisse : ob easdem artis ab Micipsa, non penuria libero- 
rum, in regnum adoptatum : ceterum, quo plura bene atque 
strenue fecisset, eo animum suum injuria m minus tolerare : 
Adherbalem dobs vitae suae insidiatum ; quod ubi com- 
perisset, sceleri obviam isse : populum Romanum ^eque 
recte, neque pro bono facturum, si ab jure gentium 
prohibuerint : postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam 
brevi missurum." Ita 7 utrique digredimitur. Adherbahs 
adpellandi copia non fuit. 

XXIII. Jugurtha, ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus 
neque, propter loci naturam, Cirtam armis expugnare po» 



BALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 17 

test, ^allo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turris exstruit, 
easque praesidiis firmat : praeterea dies, noctes, aut per 
vim, aut dolis tentare ; defensoribus moenium praemia 
modo, modo 2 formidinem ostentare ; suos hortando ad 
virtutem erigere ; prorsus intentus cuncta par are. Adher- 
bal, ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas, 
3 hostem infestum, auxilii spem nullam, penuria rerum 
necessariarum bellum trahi non posse ; ex his, qui una 
Cirtam profugerant, duo maxume impigros delegit : eos, 
multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum, coniirmat, 
uti per hostium miuiitiones noctu ad proxumum mare, dein 
Romam pergerent. 

XXIV. Numidae paucis diebus jussa efficiunt : lit- 
terae Adherbalis in senatu 4 recitatae, quarum sententia haeo 
fuit. u Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, Patres 
conscripti, sed vis Jugurthae subigit : quern tanta lubido 
exstinguendi me invasit, uti 5 neque vos, neque deos im- 
mortalis in animo habeat ; sanguinem meum, quam omnia, 
malit. Itaque quintum jam mensem, socius et amicus 
populi Romani, armis obsessus teneor : neque mini Mi-, 
cipsae paths beneficia, neque vestra decreta auxiliantur : 
ferro, an fame acrius urguear, incertus sum. 6 Plura de 
Jugurtha scribere dehortatur fortuna mea : etiam antea 
expertus sum, parum fidei miseris esse : 7 nisi tamen, intel- 
lego, ilium supra, quam ego sum, petere, neque simul ami- 
citiam vestram, et regnum meum sperare : utrum 8 gravius 
existumet, nemini occultum est. Nam initio occidit Hi- 
empsalem, fratrem meum ; dein patrio regno me expulit : — 
9 quae sane fuerint nostrae injuriae, nihil ad vos. Verum 
nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet : me, quern imperatorem 
Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet ; legatormn verba 
quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. 10 Quid reliquum, 
nisi vis vestra, quo moveri possit 1 Nam ego quidem vel- 
lem, et haec quae scribo, et quae antea in senatu questus 
sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis 
faceret. Sed, quoniam eo natus sum, n ut Jugurthae scele- 
rum ostentui essem, non jam mortem neque aerumnas, 

4* 



18 SALLUSTII JUGTJRTHA, 

tantummodo inimici imperium et cruciatus corporis de- 
precor. Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti lubet, 
consulite : me ex manibus impiis eripite, per majestatem 
imperii, per amicitiae fidem ; si ulla apud vos memoria 
avi mei Masinissae." 

XXV. His litteris recitatis, fuere, qui exercitum in 
Africam mittendum censerent, et quam primum Adherbali 
subveniundum ; x de Jugurtha interim uti consuleretur, 
quoniam non paruisset legatis. Sed ab isdem regis fau- 
toribus summa ope enismn, ne decretum fieret. Ita bonum 
publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia 
devictum. Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu, 
nobiles, 2 amplis honoribus ; in quis M. Scaurus, de quo 
supra memoravimus, consularis, et turn senati princeps. 
Hi, quod 3 in invidia res erat, simul et ab Numidis obse- 
crati, triduo navim escendere : dein brevi Uticam adpulsi 
litteras ad Jugurtham mittunt, quam ocissume ad provin- 

CIAM ACCEDAT ; SEQUE AD EUM AB SENATU MISSOS. Ille 

ubi accepit, homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae 
pollere audiverat, 4 contra inceptum suum venisse ; primo 
commotus, metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur. Time- 
bat iram senati, ni paruisset legatis ; porro animus 
cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. Yicit 
tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. Igitur, exer- 
citu circumdato, summa vi Cirtam irrumpere nititur, 
maxume sperans, diducta manu hostium, aut vi, aut dolis, 
sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus pro- 
cedit, neque, quod intenderat, efncere potest, uti prius r 
quam legatos 5 conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur : ne, amplius 
morando, Scaurum, quern plurimum metuebat, incenderet, 
cum paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac, tamen etsi 
senati verbis minae graves nunciabantur, quod oppugna- 
tione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumta, 
legati frustra discessere. 

XXVI. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, 6 Italici, quo- 
rum virtute moenia defensabantur, conrisi, deditione facta, 
propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore. 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 19 

Adherbali suadent, uti seque, et oppidum Jugurthae tra- 
dat ; tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur ; de ceteris senatui 
curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnia x potiora fide Jugurthae 
rebatur ; quia penes eosdem, si advorsaretur, cogendi 
potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. 
Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat : dein 
omnis puberes, Numidas et negotiatores promiscue, uti 
quisque armatis obvius, interfecit. 

XXVII. Quod postquam Romae cognitum, et res in 
senatu agitari coepta, idem illi 2 mimstri regis interpel- 
lando, ac saepe gratia, interdum jurgiis trahendo tempus, 
atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac, ni C. Memmius, 3 tribunus 
plebis designatus, 4 vir acer, et infestus potentiae nobili- 
tatis, populum Romanum edocuisset, id agi, uti per pau- 

COS FACTIOSOS JUGURTHAE SCELUS CONDONARETUR, 5 prO- 

fecto omnis inividia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa 
erat : tanta vis gratiae, atque pecuniae regis. Sed, ubi 
senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, 6 lege Sempro- 
nia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia 
decretae : consules declarantur P. Scipio Nasica, L. 
Bestia Calpurnius : Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia 
obvenit : deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scri- 
bitur : stipendium, alia, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur. 

XXVIII. At Jugurtha, contra spem nuncio accepto, 
quippe cui Romae omnia 7 venum ire in animo haeserat ; 
rilium, et cum eo duo familiaris, ad senatum legatos 
mittit : bisque, ut illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, 
praecepit, " omnis mortalis pecunia adgrediantur." Qui 
postquam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus, 

! PLACERETNE LEGATOS JUGURTHAE 8 RECIPI MOENIBUS : 

| iique decrevere, " nisi regnum, ipsumque deditum venis- 

i sent, uti in 9 diebus proxumis decern Italia decederent." 

| Consul Numidis ex senati decreto nunciari jubet ; ita 

• infectis rebus illi domum discedunt. Interim Calpurnius, 

| parato exercitu, 10 legat sibi homines nobilis, factiosos, 

■ quorum auctoritate, quae deliquisset, munita fore spe- 

I cabat : in quis fuit Scaurus, cujus de natura et habitu 



20 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

supra memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae 
bonaeque ^rtes animi et corporis erant, quas omnis ava- 
ritia praepediebat : patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis 
providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula 
et insidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Rhegium, atque 
inde Siciliam, porro ex Sicilia in Africam, tn. 
Igitur Calpurnius initio, paratis commeatibus, acritei Nu- 
midiam ingressus est, multos mortalis, et urbis aliquot 
pugnando capit. 

XXIX. Sed, ubi Jugurtha per legatos pecunia ten 
bellique, quod administrabat, asperitatem ostendcrc coepit, 
2 animus aeger avaritia facile conversus * 

socius et administer omnium consiliorum ad>umitur 

Scaurus : qui, tamctsi a principin. pi. 

ejus cormptis, acennme regem iaqpugnai 

magnitudine pecuniae, a bono honestoqiu- in pravum ab- 

stractus est. Sed Jugurtba pninum tantummodo belli 

moram 3 redimel>at, rxi-iumans. scsc aliquid interim K 

pretio, ant gratia etfr cturum : poet irtici- 

pem negotii Scaurum ;u in niaxumam - 

adductus recupi -randar tatoifl nun i is de oni: 

pactionibus praesenfl 

caussa, mittitur a console r in oppiduni 

Jugurthae Vagam ; cujus rei species i lru- 

menti, quod Calpurnius palam lcgatis imp quo- 

niam deditionis mora induciae agitabantur. 1 g 

uti constituerat, in eastra vcnit ; ac pauca, ; 

silio, locutus de invidia Cacti, atque in deditionem uti 

acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro sei 

dein postero die, 6 quasi per saturam exquia 

in deditionem accipitur. Sed, uti 7 pro eonsilio impt ratum, 

elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi, cum ; 

argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romara 

ad magistratus rogandos proiiciscitur. In Xumnl. 

exercitu nostro pax agitabatur. 

XXX. Postquam res in Africa .moquo modo 
actae forent, fama divulgavit, Romae per ciiinis ku 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 21 

conventus l de facto consulis agitari : apud plebem gravis 
invidia: Patres, probarentne tantum rlagitium, an decre- 
tum consulis subverterent, parum constabat. Ac maxume 
eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae 
ferebatur, a vero, bono impcdiebat. At C. Meramius, 
cujus de libertate ingenii ct odio potentiae nobilitatis 
supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senati, con- 
cionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari : monere, ne 
rempublicam, ne libertatem roam deeerarenl : multa 
superba, crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostemlere : prorsus 
interims omni modo j Sed, quo- 

niam M ten M< ininii lai .-undia -\ lara pollensque 

fait, decere nvi, imam ex tan multis orationem 

pefS Ol ih mum, quae in concione, post 

reditum Bestiae, hujuscemodi isseriiit. 

XXXI. "Multa dehortantur a vobia, 5, ni stu- 

dium reipublicae omnia stra 

patientia, jus nullum. lod innoeentiae plus 

P< rieoU, qpm honoris, eat Nam ilia quid 
■*his aim .am ludibrio 1'uer biae paucorum ; 

qua m foede, quamque multi peri litres; 

• r ut :ia corruptus 

qui i"' nunc qui Ha inimn que 

etiam mmc tunetie, qmbua da i ri tenon esse. Sed, 
quamquam haec talia sunt, tarnen ohviam ire iactionis 
potentiae animus sublet : 7 certe ego libertatem, quae 
miln a parente tradita est expi -riar : verum id frustra, an 
8 ob rem lactam, in reafea manu siium, Quirites. 9 Neque 
ego hortor, • . uti contra 

injurias annati eatM Nihil vi, nihil ] secessione opus: 
11. ,, gee est n suomet ij»i more praecipites eant. Occiso 
Tiberio Graccho, quern reg nuui parare aiebant, in plebem 
Romanam 12 quaestiones habitat sunt : post C. Gracchi et 
M. Fulvii caedem, item multi vestri ordinis in carcere 
necati sunt ; 13 utriusque cladis non lex, verum lubido 
eorum tinem fecit. u Sed sane merit regni paratio, plebi 
sua restituere : quidquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci 



22 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

nequitur, jure factum sit. Superioribus annis taciti in- 
dignabamini, aerarium expilari ; reges et populos liberos 
paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere ; penes eosdem et 
mam gloriam, et maxumas divitias esse : tamen haec 
talia facinora impune - ie, parum habuere : itaque 

postremo leges, majestas vcstra, divina et humana omnia 
hostibus tradita sunt. Xeque eos, qui fec< 
poenitet : sed 2 incedunt per ora reatra magnifice, - 
dotia et consular triumphos suos ost 

perinde quasi honori, DOO 

parati imperia injusta dominorum HOD perferunt : ros, 
Quirites, Hmperio nati, aequo animo aemtatem tol< 
At qui sunt hi, qui rempablicam oeeoj hfffliinoa 

sceleratissumi, cruentis inanihus. inunani a 

tissumi, idemqne 

postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia qua. 

Pars eorum H tribano uaestiones 

injustas, plerique eaeden in foa i no munin. 

habent. Ita quam quisque pessume : | inaxume 

tutus est : 'metum a strain 

transtulere ; qttOi ban m odisse, 

eadem mctuere m iininn l>onos 

amicitia est, inter inalos fj 

curam haberetis, quain llli ad dominationrin aecensi sunt; 

profecto neque respnbliea, Mcuti nunc, 

benericia vestra penes optumos, non audacissumos, iorent. 

Majores vestri, parandi jui 

gratia, 8 bis, per seeossionem. armati Avcntinum occupa- 

vere : vos pro libertate. quam ab ili i, non 

summa ope nitemini ! atque 60 vehementius, 9 quo majus 

dedecus est, parta amittere, quam omnino non paravisae I 

Dicet aliquis, Quid igitm ulicandiun in 

eos, qui hosti prodidere rempublicam : non manu, neque 

vi, quod magis fecisse. quam illis aecidisse indignum ; 

verum quaestionibus et indicio ipsius Jugurthae : n qui, 

si dediticius est, profecto 

sin ea contemnit, scilicet existumabiti- ilia pax, 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 23 

aut deditio, ex qua ad Jugurtham scelerum impunitas, 
ad paucos potentis maxumae divitiae, in rempublicam 
damna, dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte nondum etiam 
vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet, et l illa, quam haec 
tempora, magis placent, cum regna, provinciae, 2 leges, 
jura, judicia, bella, paces, postremo divina et humana 
omnia penes paucos crant ; 3 vos autem, hoc est, populus 
Romanns, invicti ab hostibus, imperatorcs omnium gen- 
tium, satis I animain r< rvitutem 
quidem qui are audebat ? 4 Atque ego, 
tamen < no impune inju- 
riain :sse. tan: hmninibns scetanfifflmmia 
\gm ino paterer, nisi 
ordia in prr: «t illis, 
•atnm importnnitatis habent, pan. inpunr male 
hmdl In pitur : et vobis 
BdUicitodo r< in aut ser- 
viundnni esse, aut per M mlam. 

'••i qpndem, ant concordiae <. aari 

illi volnnt, vos libn ilH injnri pro- 

hib. itris reluti hostibus, hostibus 

untnr. 'm tai. 

I ant annci* -mho bOTtOTque, M 

tantnin - iptmitUffl I. Non peculatUS aerarii 

sqoa per rim : quae, 

'ii pro niliilo ha- 
brntur. II.. [MTOditUfl] 

iniperinin v.-Mnnn : domi nulit; Ilea v< nalis 

fuit. KJ runt, ni vindicattufri in noxios, 

quid reliquum, nisi ut illis, qui ere, obedien 

uttus ! nam imp 16 libel facere, id est regem 

esse. Neque ego, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis civis ves- 
tros perperam, quam ret >e ; sed ne, ignoscendo 

malis, bonos perditum eatis. >°Ad hoc, in republica multo 
prat rficii quam malefieii immemorem esse : bonus 

tantummodo segnior lit, ubi neglegas ; at mains improbior. 
Ad hoc, si injuriae non sint, hand saepe auxilii egeas." 



24 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. 

XXXII. Haec atque alia hujuscemodi saepe dicundo, 
Memmius populo persuadet, uti l h. Cassius, qui turn 
praetor erat, ad Jugurtham mitteretur, interposita ride 
publica, Romam duceret ; quo facilius, indicio regis, 
Scauri et reliquorum, 2 quos pecuniae captae arcessebant, 
delicta patefierent. Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in 
Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti inorem 
imperatoris, plurima et flagitiosissuma facinora fecere. 
Fuere qui, auro corrupti, 3 elephantos Jugurti, 

alii perfugas vendere : pars ex pacatis praedas agebant : 
tanta vis avaritiae in animos eorum, reluti tabes, IHTM 
At Cassius, 4 perlata rogatione a C. Memmio, ac perculsa 
omni nobilitate, ad Jugurtham proficiscitur : ei timido, et 
ex conscientia diffident] rebus sui- 10 se 

populo Romano dedidiaeet, ne vim, qoam d iiam, 

experiri mallet." Pnvatim pn 

ponit, quam ille non minoria, quam publicam, ducebat : 
talis ea tempestate fama de C;'.>sio. 

XXXIII. Igitur Jugnrtha, um. cultu 
quam maxumc miserabili, cum Caasio Romam \ nut : ac, 
tamen etsi in ipso 6 magna ris animi erat, confinnati 
omnibus quorum potentia ant - at, C. 
Baebium tribimum plebifl magna men i ujus 
impudentia contra jus ot injuria* omnia munr 

At C. Memmius, advocata concione ; quainquam regi 

infesta plebes erat, et pars in vincula duci jub« 

ni socios sceleris aperiret, more majorum, 7 de hoste sup- 

plicium sumi ; dignitati, quam irae, mag 

sedare motus, et animos mollire, postremo confin 

fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore. Post, ubi - 

tium coepit, producto Jugurtha, 8 verba Tacit, K 

Numidiaque facinora ejus memorat, scelera in patrem, lra- 

tresque ostendit : " quibus juvantibus, quibusque min 

egerit, quamquam intellegat populus Rom 

manifesta magis ex illo habere : si vera aperirrt, in nY. 

dementia populi Romani magnam spem ill i Bitam : sm reti- 

ceat, non sociis saluti fore ; sese suasque spes Yorrupturum." 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 25 

XXXIV. Deix, ubi Memmius dicundi finem fecit, et 
Jugurtha respondere jussus est, C. Baebius, tribunus plebis, 
quern pecunia corruptum supra diximus, regem tacere ju- 
bet : ac, tamen etsi multitudo, quae in concione aderat, 
vehementer accensa, Herrebat eum clamore, voltu, saepe 
impetu atque aliis omnibus, 2 quae ira fieri amat, vicit 
tamen impudentia. Ita populus ludibrio habitus ex con- 
cione discessit ; Jugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos ilia 
quaestio exagitabat, animi au^escunt. 

XXXV. Ea erat tempestate Romae Numida quidam, 
nomine Massiva. Gulueaae films. Ma>nussae nepos ; qui, 
quia, in dissensione regum, Jugurthae advorsus fuerat. 
dedita Cirta efl Adheibale interfecto, profugua i i Africa 
abierat. Huic Sp. Albums, qui proxumo anno post 
Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Kulo consulatuin gerebat, per- 
suadet, quoniam ex stirpr K t, Jugurtham ob 

mvidia cum meta urgaeal ; regmun Numidiae ab 

Avid;. nmdi. inmere quam 

M1ie9C< re omnia malebat : ip>i pn>\ nui a Nlimidia ; Minu- 

cio Macedonia • liva agi- 

tarr coepti, Deque Jugurthae in anuria satis praeaidii i 

quod eorum alium bonecieotia, alium mala fa ma el timor 

imp- Bomilcari, prazumo ac maxume fido sibi, 

imperat, " pretio, sicuti multa con msidiatores 

Massivae paret, ac e maxume oceuhe ; sin id parum pro- 
nodo Numidam lntcrticiat.*' Bomilcar 
mature regil manda; \ pet liomines talis 

.<>tii artifices, itinera egressusqu. qua, poetremo loca 
atque tempora cuncta explorat : demde, obi res postulabat, 
insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo numero, qui ad caedem 
parati, paullo inconsultiu^ Ma -si vain adgreditur, ilium 
obtruncat : sed ipse deprehensus, multis hortantibus, et 
imprimis Albino consule, 7 indicium profitetur. Fit reus 
magis ex aequo bonoque, quam ex jure gentium, Bomilcar, 
comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat. At Jugur- 
tha, manifestus tanti sceleris, non prius omisit contra 
verum niti, quam 8 animum advortit, supra gratiam atque 

5 



26 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quamquam 
in priore actione ex amicis quinquaginta vades dederat ; 
regno magis, quam vadibus consulens, clam in Xumidiam 
Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus, ne ^eliquos popularis mt-tus 
invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumtum 
Et ipse paucis diebus pm us ab m 

Italia decedere. Sed. 1 Roma * Lfressus est 

tur saepe eo tacitus r« rbem 

VENALEM ET MATURE PJBklTUEAM, 

XXXVI. Interim -\lbiin turn, 
stipendium, alia quae militibn- (ft, niatui 
Africam portare : nc atatnn ipse profectua, mi ante comf 
tia, quod tempos baud lon_ 

am qtiovia modo bellum coaficeret At contra Jngmtba 

trahere omnia, el alias, deii 

polliceri deditumem, ac deinde metum - 

cedere, el panllo | m diffiderent, 

modo, modo pacia mora, eonaulem hadii 

qui turn Albinum baud ignanmi coosilii i itamaraaft, 

neque ; ex tanta properantia tarn \ bellum 

Becordia magis, quam do] 

dilapso tempore, eoinitiorui 

fratre in caatria pro | 

XXXVII. K.\ temp Litkmibus tri 
ciis atrociter respublica agitabafur. P. Lvov 
Annius, tribuni plebis, reaistentibus 
magistratum nitebantur : qi us anni i 
tia impediebat. Ea mora in spem adductufi 

pro praetore in castris relictom supra diximus, aut i 
ciundi belli, aut terrore exercitus ab rege "pet n. 
undae, milites mense Januario ex hibern 
evocat : magnis itineribus, biem. . pervefiil 

oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. Quod quam- 
quam et saevitia temporis, et opportunitate loei, neque 
eapi, neque obsideri poterat, (nam circum murum. - 
in praerupti montis extremo. planiciea limosa hiem; 
aquis paludem fecerat,) tamen. aut simulan 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 27 

formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus, vineas 
agere, aggerem jacere, alia, quae incepto usui forent, 
properare. 

XXXVIII. At Jusrurtka, cognita Sanitate atque impe- 
ritia legafi, subdolus augere amentiam : missitare sup- 
plicantis 1« l ipse, quasi vitabundus, per saltuosa 

I et traiii : <Ttum du< Denique Aulum spe 

lonis pcrpulit, uti, relicto Sutlnile, in abdita6 re- 

,[■. hit ere a per 
lion llidos di€ ii<H-tuqut» exereitum -tentabat: 

• turmarum, partiin uti tttaafilgtt 

alii, signo dato, locum uti A : ita delicta oeeul- 

•••m- 

90 multitudinr Nuinidaruni Auli 

tra c iitoni fw a it Militea Romani, tnmnltu peftulai 

JnanlitO. anna < lii, alii M I u rritos 

ifirman ; mipidara oobSm magna boatinm; 

Imn nocti mibibus periculnm au- 

: ineerto 

nil.) ante eorru, 

doriarap • ooboti una Lignrum, cnaa uracum, 

N i ■« n- 
turiu prinii pill trrtiar legionia, pel nuuiitionem, quam, 
uti defender introeundi dedil : 

euneti lrrup- ple- 

riqn< mis, proxuniuni eoUem <>■ Xox 

atque j>: -iroruiu 

tur. remorata sunt. Datn JiiL r urt}ia poatero die com Aulo 

in eolloquio \erba l'aeit : M tain. n ruin exereitu 

tame, b-rro clausuin tenet, taOMQ se bumanarum rerum 
memorem, m t ouuii fbcNhn faceret, meohnnia omnia sub 
jugmn Duaaonon : pi . uti did m \umidia 

deeederet.' 1 Quae quamquam gravia afl flagitii plena 
It, tamen, 5 quia mortis metu mutabantur, sicuti regi 
libuerat, pax convenit. 

XXXIX. Sed, ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, 6 metus 
atque moeror ciritatem invasere : pars dolere pro gloria 



28 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

imperii : pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati : 

Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxume qui bello saepe praeclari 

fuerant, quod armatus, idedecore potius, quam B 

tern quaesiverat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fra- 

tris invidiam, ac (b-inde periculum ti latum de 

foedere cdBSulebaf : et tamfii interim < x- 

mentum scribere : ab sociis et noun ,<> auxilia 

arcessere : denique modis om Smatus 

ita, uti par fuerat, dec 

NULLUM P0TUI88B FOEDUS FIERI. CODSIll in 

tribunis plebia ne, qua- i, aecom port 

paucis diebus in Africam | ur : nan omail i 

citna, uti convnirr-it. Numidii deductus, in 

tnemabat. Poetquam i .1 Ju- 

gurtham el mederi fratrmae invi«l 

cognitifl nulitil»u>, qv 

licentia atqae lasciria corruperant, ex \ * ituit, 

nihil sibi agitandmn. 

XL. 1 \ 1 1 m \ Romae C. Bfamil . tnbunua 

plebis, 'rogatioitem ad pop ulum ptomulgat, M uti qa 

retur in nis, quorum eonsilio Juirurtha m 

aeglegissel ; qpnqi 

pecuniaa accepiaaenfl ; qui ek tugas 

tradidisaent ; item qui de pace, ant bello, cum 

pactionea reciasent." Hmc rogationi, partim 

alii ex partium invidia perieula metoenfc 

resistere non poterant, quin ilia et alia tali 

faterentur, occulta per amieos, ac maxnme jht boo 

nominis Latini et soeios ItaUcoi impeding ata pan 

Sed plebes, inoredibile memorr faerit, 

quantaque vi roiiationeni joaaeiit, deerevrrit. vdluerit ; 

magifl odio nobilitatis, cui mala ilia parabantur. qoam 

reipublieae : tanta lubido in partibus. I tritu: 

perculsis, M. Seaurus, quern le^atum Bei 

mus, inter laetitiam plebis, et suorum fuj 

etiam turn civitate, eum ex Mamilia rogl 

tores rogarentur, etlecerat, uti ipse in eo numero ereare- 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 29 

tur. Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque, ex rumore, 
et lubidiiH plebis : ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate 
plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat. 

A LI. ( I] i i.ri'm ^nos partium popularium et senati 
factionum, a omnium -malarum artium, paucis ante 

annis Romae ortus, otio vl abundantia earum renun, 
quae prim ■OTtltw ducunt. Nam. antr ( 'arthairinem 
deletam, populus et sen/ anus pi- que 

rempublicam tractabaaJ : 1 . n»que 

dominationis niHumm intrr & : mrtus hostile 

bonis artibn- ubi ilia tormido 

m< ntihu- 

las< nere. Ita, quod in advor 

r«'h rius 

-<jiu* i uit . Namqiif i nitati in, 

populus lib in lubidiiu-m \. 

■umia in duas p: 
»tra< «rat, dilai-tTata. 

-rum Dobilil vis, 

peiM in multitudinc, mill I : pau- 

trio belli domique s aghabatm : 1cm 

arraniun. prOYinciae, II triumphique 

erant : populus militia ilqiM inopia urL'ucbatur ; pracdas 
bclhcas imprrat-. pa- 

ri militum, ut qo Oft- 

tini- llbOfl p« i;< !>;mtur. Ita cum potcntia 

modo B et vast 

omnia ; "nihil p»n>:. semet 

I praccipitavit. Nam ubi prinnun Vx nuhilitatr rap 

sunt, qui terra giorira inji • nt ; 

UK' 

oriri cocpit. 

II. Nam ppstquam Tibetim et C. 'quo- 

rum MJorei Punn »> aiqu«- a % multum rcipublicae 

addulcrant, vindn arc ptrtra m libertatem, et paucorum 
sceli r a p itefacere coepere ; nobilitas noxia, atque eo 
perculsa. modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum 

5* 



30 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimo- 

verat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat ; et prirao 

1 Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem 

Caium, tribunum alterum, alteram triumviram coloniis 

deducendis, cum M. Fulvio Flacco ferro necaverant. Et 

sane Gracchis, cupidine l . haud satis inodrratus 

animus fuit. Sed 2 bono vinci satius e>* nalo more 

injuriam vincere. Igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex lubidine 

sua usa, multos mortalis ferro aut fuga cxstinxit ; pin 

in reliquum sibi timoris, quam pou-ntiac, addidifc Quae 

res pleramque magnas 

alteros vincere quo do, et victos acerbina u. 

volunt. Sed, de taudiifl partium c: 

ribus si sinniilaiini. aut pro 

tempus. cjuaui res, lnaturius :u ad 

inceptmn redeo. 

XL1II. Poa i \uli 
fagain, Q. MeteUi Si 

provincias inter M | ..it : IfetaUo uridia 

evencrat. 'aeri riio, <t quamquam idfOtSO | 
fania tamen aequabili 0t mwnlata. Is ubi primurn ma- 
ilistratum ingieSSIM 6St, 'alia omnia >il>i CUB OODegt ratus, 
ad belhnn, quod ge atUTIM I rat, aninuun intrndit. IfftM 

diffidena i rcitm, mi -Uque 

arcessere : anna, tela, :a instrunn nta nulitiae 

parare : ad hoc : commeatum atiatim : drniqi, . quae 

6 bello vario et multarum rorinn egenti 
Ceterimi ad ea patranda senati auetoritate soeii i 
Latinum, reges ultro auxilia mittcre ; postremo oinnis 
civitas summo studio adniU'batur. 
omnibus rebus paratis compositisque, in Xumidiam 
ciscitur, magna spe civium, cum propter bonas artis, 
turn maxume, quod 7 advorsum divitias animum invietum 
gerebat ; et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempoa in Nu- 
midia nostrae opes contusae, hostiumque anctai 

XLIV. Sed, ubi in Africam ven;\ j traditur 

e Sp. Albini pro conside, iners, imbellis, neque periculi, 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 31 

neque labohs patiens, lingua, quam manu, promtior, prae- 
dator ex sociis, et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et 

lestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus ex malis mo- 
ribus sollicitudinis, quam ex copia militum auxilii, aut 

. bonae accedebat. Statuit huncw MeteUns, quamquam 

et l a6Sthrorum tempos comitiorum mora imminuerat, et 

' - ii t i civium animos infteuftOS putabat, non 

prius bellmn ad ijum, majormn disciplina, mil 

laborer* a Albinos, Auli fntria i \- n iftos- 

8, postquam rat non Sgied] 

.uantum temporis rum in imperil) fuit, 

}>li-ruiii< jut* BulitM st:itivis castns habebel : nisi (.urn oA 

aut paboli i j ocmn mn 

more militari m_ itur : uti cinque lulu-bat, 

ib jxrimxii (.urn militibus die 

I agros va> lias 

n cip io nu n pc 
eeqos i mi me* rino adrectitio, 

uinrntuin pa 

;if in in dies meieari : po [aaecamque dici 

ailt fittg ' lLMKlVll" 

citu canda (a implins. 

i difficult Hum non minus, quam 

in : I iruin foil 

r amlu: 

damps moderatum. N i dicto prinmm adjoin 

igo pani m. aut 

b ilium coctom cibum w torn 

itur ; in- miles gn in 

ami aut jumcntum hah arte 

inodum Bt i ininni itineribos quo- 

tidi< LC SI ■ dessent, 

vallo at. an ninirr, figi] '>ras ponere, et 

nun Legatis B circuui ire : item in agraine in primis 
modo, modo in posmmiis, saepe in medio adesse, ne 
quisquam ordine egrederetur, uti cum signis frequentes 
iiKcdcrent, miles cibum et anna portaret. Ita prolu- 



32 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

bendo a delictis magis, quam vindicando, exercirum brevi 
iconfirmavit. 

XL VI. Interea Jugurtha, ubi, quae MeteUtt 
ex nunciis accepit ; simul d»- i ntia ejus ccrtior 

Romae factus, diffider* ac turn deinum verara 

deditionem facere con I iritur onsu- 

lem cum suppliciis mittit, qui tantununodo ipei liberi 
vitam peterent, alia omnia popuk) i 

Metello jam antea 'experimontii cognition »-rat genus 
Numidarum infidum. ingenio mobili. novarum rerun- 
dum. Itaque LegafeM alnnn ah alio di\<»rsos rnlirrrditur ; 

ac, paullatim tentando, poatqnan i oppofta 
multa polKcendo persuade*, M uti Jugmtham 

vivum, sin id parum »1 liadflf<l 

cetermn palam, quae ei yohintata fb mmeiari 

jubct. Deinde ipM p i atqoe infesto 

exercitn in Numidiam 

tuguria plena homnnr 

oppidia et mapalibua 

parati fhanmftmn dare rtrronnatmn poctare, postremo 
omnia, quae in -• Metellus idcirco 

minus, sed pariter ac m hostea adessent, mim: 
incedcre, late explorar. >sten- 

tui credere, et insidii> loeum t» ntari. It; 
expeditis cohortihus. item iunditoruin tt fUglHai Mf 
delecta manu, apod primOfl I rat : in p oa lr g — o C. Marina 
logatus cum equitihus curabat : in utrumqu. uxili- 

arios equites tribunis legionnm et pi itium 

dispertiverat, uti cum his permixti "< ;acumque 

aeeederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent. Nam in Ju- 
gurtha tantus dolus, tantaque pentia LoconnQ tt nulitiae 
erat, uti, absens, an preeaens, pacein an helium ^ereos, 
pernieiosior esset, in incerto haberotur. 

XL VII. Erat hand tang Metellus 

pergebat, oppidum Xumidarum, nomine Yaga, "forum 
rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratra 
incolere et mercari consuevcrant ltalici multi 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 33 

mortales. ^luic consul, simul tentandi gratia et oppe- 

riundi, si paterentur opportunitates loci, praesidium im- 

posuit ; praeterea imperavit frumentum, et alia, quae 

hello usui forent : ratus id, quod res monebat, Hrequen- 

tiam negotiatorum et commeatu juvaturam exercitum, 

jam pacatifl rebua munimento fore. Inter haec nego- 

Jnguriha 2 iiu; modo legatee suppliers mittere, 

mm tiberoramqiie ritam, omnia 

Quos item, uti priorea, consul illectos 

ad domnm dinrittebai : regi pecem, quam 

deque tbnnere, i -llu-rri, el inter eas 

on en 

XLVIII. Ji * «lli dicta cum fan 

i animad\ortit ; quippc 

cm nm re bellam aeparniuiuin 

t, vbi maxnma boetibtn cognitna, uurai 

pMj.ulariiim trntati ; reran I * tuit 

ani; i mi itinera, in spam 

i addnd ipportnaitate loci, Vjnat matnmai 

t oiuniuiii genenun 

in ca parte 

l] in divisione possedcrat, InnMO 

I meiidia, lmmmr Muthul; a (j it mons 

fenm millia ractn pari, raatof tb ii.v 

lumano i ultu : ft orirha- 

tur, in iinmriiMiin pertUU 

aliii r b o nun , quae hnmj ari<l<> atque an-noso 

gignuntur. 'Media lutein planici panoria 

aqa ter flumini prop inqu a loca : ea ecnaka uboatis, 

OW atque < niton 1 ,.ntal>antur. 

XLIX. [orrui in ao ooDe, quern v tr nsvorso itinere 
porrectum docuimoa, Jognrtha, extenuate suonun acie, 
consedit : elephantifl et parti copianun pedeatrinm Bo- 
milcarem praefedt, eumqua i docet, quae ageret; ipse 
9 propior montem cum omni equitatu pedites delectos 
collocat : dein singulas turmas atque manipulos circumiens 
monet atque obtestatur, " uti memores pristinae virtutis et 



34 SALLUSTII JL'GURTHA. 

victoriae seque regnumque suum ab Romanorum avaritia 
defendant : cum his certamen fore, quos antea victos sub 
jugum miserint : ducem illis, non aniinum mutatum : quae 
ab imperatore 'decuerint, omnia ntfl prorisa : locum 
superiorem, uti pradentei cm imperitis, ne pau< 
cum pluribus, aut ru<" ribus manuin 

( onserereni : q mfteatique i dato, 

Romapos invadere : ilium diea aut I aborea el 

victorias conlirmaturum. aut maxumaruin a. ruumarum ini- 
tiuni lore." Ad boc viritim. I miiitare 

facinus, pecunia •. coiim. 

beneficii sui, ipeam alii- remo, 

pro cujusque ingenio, pol 

aliuni alio mo cum interim Mtelfcn, igDtm 

hostium, monte degredieni rum exercitu iSnr: 

primo (lul)iUN. •.|ui«!iimu ini 

inter rirgulta **|ui Nnniiil 

occultati bumilitate arborum. et KaflMB 

; ( urn natiua loci, tS mill- 

taria obscurati) dein. breri CO 

*agmen conatitil : 

tere quod proxumum hfl 

inslruxit : "iut< r m BUUpuloi funditores i 3 dis- 

pertit : equitatum tminrin in A : ac j 

pro tempore milites hortatue, ici 

tpanavorau pnncipiis, in planum dedneit 

L. Sed, ubi Numidas (p. 
madvortit, veritus, ex anni tea 
siti 10 coniiceretur exereitus, Rutilimn legatum cut 
tis cohortibus et parte equitum praenusit ad llumen, Uti 
locum castris aim » nn- 

petu et transvorsis praeliis iter suum rnnor 
quoniam armis difliderent. lassitudinnn et sitim militum 
tentaturos. Dein ipse pro re atque fa monte 

descenderat, paullatira procedere : Marium post j rincipia 
habere : ipse cum sinistrae alae - esse, qui in 

agmine principes facti erant. muru 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 35 

• Hi l primOfl sues praetergressum videt, prae- 

sidio quasi duum millium peditum montem oci upat. qua 

• ; in dentibus advorsariis 

receptui, ac post muninn I : dein, repente rigno 

imadit. Xumidar alii a poatremo re, 

itra ac dextera tentare : infei n atque 

ire : omnibin Etmnanoram ord: in-bare : 

quorum etiam qui lirmionbus aniuiis obvii hostibus iuer 

3 ludificati in . qpri node emii mr 

Hindi, aut manum COMeiendi rat . 

tagurtha abiemnqi 

mm turba ii ion oo nfettini , Deque in mmm 

ses< ili<» qpuun mmxome dhro 

• qaendo hoetta d( 
nequiverant, ut lateribm circumrei 

b:mt : Bin OpportUI) 1 1 1 pi furrant, 

midsram le inlet rirgulta i 

itn loci retinebant 

LI I 

qui ffe : ubi qiniii- 

u uluin ceperot, ibi rei propnlaafc : 'anna, 

t.l.i, eqni, \ti : nihil oonsilio, 

imilluin 

die pro in hacertd « rat. 

J )r|ili|L,' (.|| M. N QlM Ubi 

ni-.iiK b uillatim militrs in unum 

coii' qoatoor 

advorsum peditea boetium 00B0 

Buperioribnfl loci 8 ami w ire, hor- 

tari mifitee, M m deficereni, neu pftereatm beatifl fu- 

■illia ( ie, lieqtie muni- 

liuntum ullum, quo Bill : in armis omnia 

- I lie .Juixurtba qpridem interea quietus : cir- 

cumire, hortari, renOTBie praelium. et ipse cum delectis 

tentare omnia : subvenire suis, hostibus duluis instare, 

iimoe cognoverat, eminus pugnando retinere. 



3§ SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

LII. Eo modo inter se duo imperatores, summi viri, 
certabant ; ipsi pares, ceterum opibus disparibus. Nam 
Metello virtus militum erat, locus advorsus : Jucnirthae 
aba omnia, praeter milites, opportuna. Denique Romani, 
ubi intelleguut, Deque sibi p<*n 

copiam pug-nandi fieri, 1 4 jam die rat ; 'a<: 

colic, sicuti praeceptam heist, evadimft. Amisso loco, 
Numidae fusi fagatiqae : pain 1 
velocitas et regio hostibafl i<_ni 

Bomilcar, quern elephantifl et parti copianim pedestrium 
praefectum ab Jugurthfl supra diximus. ubi sum Kutilius 
praetergressus est. paullatim suns m aeqanifl locum drdu- 
cit : ac, dum 1< ••_ lliimcn. 

festjnana pergit, quietui i poetulab 

neque remittit, quid nbiqne hoc 
Poetqnam Rntilinm i icuura 

accepit, Bimulqiie ei Jugmi lorem an 

vcritus, in- legatne, oognita r- .xilio 

foret, aciem, quam diffidena fiitatj militum 4 aite 

quo hostium itiiirri obficep modo 

ad lv nt i lii ca8tn procedit 

LIIL Romani ei impnmao pulreru rim 

madvortuut, nam tproapectnm agei arl'i - pro- 

hibebat. Et primo rati lmmuin iridam i ptari: 

post, ubi 6 aequabilem mam 
magis magisque adpropinquare videnft, oognita : 
rantes arma capiunt, ac pro i ncuti imj 

consistunt. Deinde, ubi propiofl ventum, utrimqi 
olamore cbncummt Numidae tantamma 
dum in elephantifl auxilium putant ; postquam 
ramifl arbornm, atque ita diajectoa circumveniri v\ 
fagam facinnl : ae pleriqne, abjectifl urmia, eoffia, 
noctis, quae jam aderat, auxilio integri abeunt. Elephant! 
quatuor capti, roliqui oinnes. mimero i 
fecti. At Romani, qoamqoan itinere at 

rum et praelio HeaaJ laetique erant ; tamen. 

lus amplius opinione morabatur, instnuti iuuntique obviam 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 37 

procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum 1 niliil languidi, neque 
remissi patiebatur. Ac primo, obscura nocte, postquam 
haud procul inter se erant, 2 strepitu, velut hostes adven- 
tarent, alteri apud alteros ibrmidinem simul, ct tumultum 
facere : et paene imprudentia admissum iacinus mise- 
rabile, ni utrimque | . equites rem exploravissent. 

I<£itur, pro nutu, r< , ,m, niilites alius 

alium laeti adpellaui atqufl audiunt : Mia 

quisque fort; Quippe res liuma- 

:oriari licet : 

LIV. M jiiutriduo DKU 

j cum cm r« licit, 1 1 1 « ritofl bo j militiae 

donat, mureraoa in eonciaw lamia;. 

hortatur, ad cetera, quae levia m in animum 

mi : pro mm. reliquoa Labo 

llOS 

nrtunos, Jugurtlia ul-i gentium, lit quid ; . urn 

rcitum victus 

rxploratiini DUtil I ^altuosa 

oatora muni! cercituu) 

i hoiinnum ampliorem, * d I •■ « U in infirmumqne, 

agri ac belli cultorem. Id 7 ea gratia 

.urn 
Numidarurn animus 

icrt, eo igitium militiae ducitui : 

ita | ubi vi.lct r< j 

ctiam turn anim; 

iilius lubidin. miquum 

certamen mIu cum 1 imeiltO Qlofi \inei, 

quam tuofi rim I ■ i.it DOB fie, sed 

alio more helium gerundum. Itaque m Numidiae loca 
opulenti>Mnna pergit, oppida, 

munita, aut mi -idio, capit incenditque, 

puberes interlici jubet : alia omnia militum praeda ess 

formidnie multi mortales Romanis dediti obsides ; fru- 
mentum et alia, quae usui forent, adfatim praebita ; 

6 



38 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

ubicumque res postulabat, praesidium impositum. Quae 
negotia multo magis, quam praelium male pugnatum ab 
suis, regem terrebant : quippe, cui spes omnis in fuga 
sita, sequi cogebatur ; ol qui Sua loca defendere nequi- 
verat, in alienis bettmn ■_• flBfl . '! . quod 

optumum rfdebatur, consilium capifl : exerettum -plerum- 

qiM in tsdem lot 

equitibm Metelhnn sequifiar; ooctumia 

bus ignoratQfl Romaaot pal pentu adgreditor: 

eorum plerique ineri; nt. inulti capiuntur ; 

omnium intaetus prol'i, 

castrifl subreniretur, A oti yam in praxm 

dfece dun t 

LV. I 

« mini n. >rum 

■ 
hoMium | UtUI ; .In-junVmi D 

dia, sp< m >alutis in snlitudinr. ml I ^isset 

habere. [taque BehatUfl < 1 1 IA Fl v DIS IM- 

antea 

telle) ", 

niti. omnil 

Djkportumis ii« I- 1 : meminiese, post gloriam 

sequi. Ita quo elarior crat. CO mini air-. 

Deque, posl insidii hae, vt; 

Ubl frumonto. ant pahulo I uni omni 

equitatu praesidium agitabai . reli- 

quos Manns ducefa S 1 igUl magi*, quam praeda, ager 

vastabatur. Duo' 1, baud long* in' astra 

faciebani : obi vi epos erat, cuncti aderant ; cetera, quo 

fuga atque formido latins 

F.o tempore Jugurtha per coUia sequi : t» mpus, aut locum 

pugnae quaerere : qua fentunun hoelem audi ulum 

et aquarum fontis, quorum penu 

modo se Metello, interdum Mario i 

in agmiue tfentare, ae statim in collie ; mm 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 39 

aliis, post aliis minitari ; neque praelium facere, neque 
otium pati ; tantummodo >to retinere. 

LVL Komams imperator, ubi se dolis fatigari videt, 
neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri, urbem magnam, 
tfl in 81 parir. qua aita Brat, _!iii, nomine Za- 

atuit obpugnare ; ratoa id. quod negotium poa 

bet, Jugurtham laboraniibus stria auxilio venturum, ibique 

praeHm fore. \t iBe, quae peraba&tar, a *p6rfugia 

itiiK-nbus Metelhim antrwmt : oppidanos 

hortaiur. ma nt, additia auxilio perfugie, quod 

fallere nequibant, fiimiaau 
mum. I i pollicetUT, in tempo N rum i'\ir- 

citi; i lnca quam maxume 

Marram 

itiiinv I VuiiH Mt:iT inn .:n mis- 

i ; quod oppidum primum omnium post malam ptignam 
ab rep defecerat Bo cum dilectia eqpitibua iioctu 

pugnam 
limul magna hortaiur, M ot 

tifl ab ' >rt uuaiii pratulari lacino- 

ria casum d 

tUoa in libertala • ni Ma- 

rius signs i!!' 

,mti, air lidcin i;.i;t;i\is. 

>rui : tanta motnlitai S I indites 

gurthini p jore 

vi hoetes urguent, p mt 

LVIL M id Zamam peirenh: id opptdum in 

campo -Hum, magia opere, quaa natura mumflm erai; 
mdliua polenturo. Igitnr 

Metellus, pro tempore atque loeo paral . cuncta 

rettn circumrenil : legatia imperat, ubi quisque 
curarel : deinde, ftimul clamor ingens 

oritur : neque ea res Xumidas t« rr«t ; "lniensi intentique 
sine tumultu nianent : praelium incipitur. Romani, pro 
ingenio quisque, pars eminus glande aut lapidibus 
pugn iii succedere, ac murum modo subfodere, 



40 rn JUGURTHA. 

raodo scalis ad^redi : cupere praeliuin 

Contra ea oppidani in | 'es, 

pila, praeterea | 

mil nee -illos, qui prurul D *. timor 

anirni satis iniin nmntis, 

aut nianu i lo, sed 

lama imparl, booi atqufi :. 

LVIII. _ r urtha ex 

improviao eastra hastuun rum m: ; it ; 

ln.iu. i i lrnmijiit. At DO* 

repentino m 

sulcnt : alii alii an r> ^>1- 

mai multitudiiu* non 

ampliua qu ea nomi reg* 

maxiiiiia \ i (1. j'« id quii , rant : ted t 

BCI ID i>lunl»u> mini. 
Numulac pro 

el i 

MeteUua, i aw ai i mnne rem 

'tit, 

uitatum oamem ad caatn mittit, 

i in C. Marinm iomm ; • 

laenunana, pei amicitkun peiqnc rempuhlicam obaeca 
ne quam coiUumeliam remaaen in exercitu rictore, n 
boetia "inuiios abin ille btewi ma 

I nmniiii i,m imp ;m alu 

super vallum praecipitarentur, alii Hn a 
properantefl sbficerent, multis -eae 

reoepit Metelwa, infet I rat, 

m eastra cum exercitu revortitur. 

LIX. Ioitvb postero die, prius, quam nduro 

egrederetur, equJIatnm omnem in 

ventus erat. pro 

loea tribune ppidua. 



SALLUSTII JUOURTHA. 41 

atque, ut superiore die, murum adgredkur. Interim Ju- 
gurtba ex OOOTttO nivadit: qui in 'proxumo 

locati fa iti perturbantur ; reliqui cito 

\umida» -i nt, 

m paditaa cum equitibus permixti nagnaai oMm in 

hon, ut eijiu -ni 
preelk) soli . d« in ;uis 

peditibu- 

I. \ 
batur. 

riunr mt 1 ; oeque alms in alio m ipein 

dare, ml 

OllUilbu - 11 vrUH't 

ehunoi ie, Laetitia, gemitu ; 

itrm stnpitus arm*' mm brri : tela utriinque 

mt, ubi 

iilum modo pugnam : t, intent] praelhun 

Mtre proapectabeal : eoa, oti qaaeque Jb res 

M ; ac, 

ndiri a suis, aut cerni peasant, monere alii, alii 

bort I t bur, 
illne, quasi vitabtmdi, 

m is i 

multu i • bum \ i 1 lis 

i i mnron adgre- 

ditur : i ibs aggreesi ttQhea prope soman <•< p - 

in oppidani concurrent, 1 rae« 

. ubi 
alterae m mmimitai 

adtl. integri, 

magna pan eonfecti *Am n um. Denique utriinque 

praelinn bob dimnit 

LXI. Mr i i. 1. 1. is. postquam wdei frustra 10 inceptum, 

pac oppidani eapi, neque Jugurtbam, nisi ex insidiis, 

aut suo loco pognam i jam aestatem exactam 

6* 



42 SALLUSTII JL'GURTHA. 

esse, ab Zama discedit ; et in his urbibus, quae ad se 
defecerant, satisque munitae loco, aut moenibus erant, 
praesidia imponit. ^eterum exercitum in provinciam qua 
proxuma est Numidiae hiemaudi LTatia collocat. N 
id tempus, ex aliorum more, quiet i, aut luxuriae concedit : 
sed, quoniam armis b» Hum parum p* -idias 

regi per amio Gdia pro annis uti 

parat. Igitur Bomilcarem, qui Komae cum Jugurtha 
fuerat, et iude, 2 vadibus datis, clam Afaasivae de 
judicium fugerat, quod ei, per maxamam amicitiam, 
maxuma copia fajlendi erat, multifl pollieitationibus adgre- 
ditur ; ac primo efficit, uti ad - aendi gratia o< 

' : (1cm fide & _urtham vivuin 

ii( ■catum trad. at ill] - 

Nnmid 
. turn nu'tm nti. iic, >i }>ax cum Romania 
fieret, ipse per conditioner ad Bupplicium tar. 

LXIL [b, uhi primum opportunum, Jugnrtham auxium 
ac miserantem fortima it : mom lacni- 

mans obtestatur, " uti aliquando aibi I 
Numidarum, optnmc merenti, provideat: i 
liis sese m, multoa i 

aut occiaoa, regni opea comminm 
jam et virtutein milituiu. el iortunam tnitatam : 
ne, Ullo cunctante, Numidae sibi consqlanl atque 

talibus aliis ad deditionem dmum impellit. Mit- 

tuntur ad imperatorem legati : :iam imp 

facturum, ac sine ulla pactioue sese regnumque suum in 
illius iidem tradere." Metellus pro] atorii 

ordinis ex hibemis arcessiri jubet : eorum atque almrum, 
quos idoneos dueebat, consilium babet. Ita more majo- 
rum, ex consilii deereto, per legatoa Juiiurthae impetal 
7 argenti pondo dueenta millia, elephantos omnia, i quorum 
et armorum aliquantum. Quae postquam s: 
sunt, jubet omnes perfugas vinetos adduci : eorum m 
pars, ut jussum erat, addueti ; pauci, cum primum deditio 
coepit, ad regem Bocchum in Mauretaniam aluerant. 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 43 

Igitur Jugurtha, ubi armis yirisque et pecunia spoliatus, 
cum ipse J ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur, rursus 
coepit -lire ■!« -re aiiimum suum, et ex mala conscientia 
digna timere. Denique multis diebus per dubitationem 
consumtis ; eum modo taedio rerum advorsarum omnia 
bello potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse reputaret, 
quam gravis casus in scrviiium ex regno ibret ; 3 miUtis 
Lsque praesidiis nequidquam perditis, de mtegro bel- 
- umit. Romae senatus de pronnciis consultus s Nu- 
miJiam Metello 

LXIII. Peb idem tempui lone : C Mano, pel 

,i|)lu ami. *• magna atque mirabilia portendi" 

dixeral : M p igitabat, Gretna 

dis ; lbrtunam quam cperiretur ; 

cuncta pi At ilium jam antra eonsula- 

tus tabat : ad quern capumdum, 

i familiae, alia omnia abrade tram ; 

rtria, probitaa, militiae maj , animus beUi 

. lubidinis el diviiiarum victor, tan- 

tummodo gloriae avidna. . S «J ins natus, vi omnem 

puentiain Arpini alms, ubi pi iiinnu ailitute patiena 

lia, Deque 

mis nun oil : ita inter artis bonas 

urn ingeniuqi brevi adolevit. >i primum tri- 

bunatum militarem a populo petit, iciem ejus 

ignorantibus, facile ootua l3 per omnia minis declarator. 

nu alium post alium ubi peperil ; 

sempeique : in pofc tabat, uti ampliore, 

([nam ger< T;iimu is, n ;id id lo- 

COrum talis vir, (nam poatea amlutione pi datus 

est,) oonsulatum appetere non andeb \ lltiamtum alios 
magistratus pl< nsulatum nobilitas inter se per ma- 

ims tradebat. Xovus nemo tarn clams, neque tarn egre- 
giis iactis erat, quin 15 his indignus illo honore et quasi 
pollutus haberetur. 

LXIV. Igitur, ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem 
intendere videt, quo 16 cupido animi hortabatur, ab Metello 



44 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

pettmdi gratia missionem rogat : cui quamquam virtus, 
gloria, atque alia optanda bonis superabant, tamen fa 
l contemtor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatia ma- 
lum, [taque prim 

consilium. el quad pel an prava 

inciperet, sen m\ aimum _ nun 

omnia omnibus cupiim 

phtcere : poetremo ci »re a populo 

quod illi -jure n< haec atque talia 

dixit, aeque animus Marii fteetitmr, i pri- 

nnini potU 

peterefc" tc p nti, fertur 

dixisae, " ae fesftmavei i Ihnn i mu 

lilio BOO 1 IIHIHllaOllll petiturum.'* 

bernio ibidem i 

Quae rea Marimn cum pro hoi . turn 

contra Metellum vrhnin -i 

atqne ira, peaeumi 

ullo, aequo dieto abetuaerej quo 

militrs, quibua in 

antea, bah ro : apod multi- 

tudo (Jticae ( 

loqui : M dimidia , 

diebua Jugurtham in babitunun : ab i 

consulto Hrahi, quod bom 

imperio nimia gauderet." Quae omnia ill 

fidebantur, quod dhiturnitate belli rea iamil: 

rant, et animo cupienti nihil ur. 

L\\. Brat praeterea in exercttn oostro Numida 
dam nomine Cauda. Mastanabalia films. 
quern Micipsa tcstam- undum heredem - 

morbis oonfectus, et I ullum 

inuninuta. Cui Metellus priruti. mof 
lam juxta poneret, item postea n c ..mam 

equitum Komanorum, utrumque neiiaverat ; boo 
quod oorum modo foret. qoofl populus Efc 
adpellavisset ; praesidium, quod conumuliosimi in cos 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 45 

foret, si equites Romani satellites Numidae traderentur. 
Hunc Marius taurinm adgreditui atque hortatur, uti con- 
tumeliarum imperatons cum suo auxilio poenas petat : 
hominem ob morbos animo paruin valulo secunda oratione 
Hit: "ilium regem, ingentem virum. Maa 

M : *i Juyurtha captus, aut OCCiSQSj imperium 
Numidiar Bine mora habiturum : id ideo mati.: 

I id bellttm ii ltaque 

Hum, et »*qur 

mprliit, uti luuuaiu ad M 

i Metellutn dv beQo acribanft, Marian 

liii[ Uti a BNdtii 1 1 1« » I T 1 1 1 ' 

trin a i pei legem Mannliam, 

imcta pn 
1, \ \ i. urtha poatquam, 

beDmn lm ipit. cum mi 

r ah M drl- far- 

midinr, aut mumm* 

iii^crat, 

reft ierrii i inonun adho 

. raut, pecnoia tentave : 
nihil intactum, Deque qumtum tare, 

> Metellu 

urn mi}' quo 

antra voluntatr aln -nati, pn M COQ- 

m rolgua, uti 1>1«- ruinqm* BOlet, <t maxuuu- 

Numidarum, m_ uo atqu. ft lio- 

lipidum novaruin rt-rum, qirieti el I or- 

U mum con- 
stituunt. jut (iiiim in \lrirain, 

lu luduni et laaemam magie, foam r<>rim<lim-m oateat abafc 
. qbi tempba hut. cental ibunoeque militares, 

at ipMim praefectum oppidi, T. Turpilium Silanum, alius 
alium doDKM ..vitant : cos omnia, praeter Turpilium, 

inter epulas obtruncant : postea indites palantis. iu< rmoe, 
nippe in tali die ac sine imperio, adgrediuntur. Idem 



46 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

plebes facit, pars edocti ab nobilitate, alii studio talium 
rerum incitati, quis, acta consiliumque ignorantibus, tu- 
multus ipse et res novae satis placebant. 

LXVII. Romani rnilitcs, improviso metu, incerti igna- 
rique quid potissumuni lac ■« ire ad arcem op- 

pidi, obi si'jn:t <•? BCUta afaul : praesidiuai hostium, portae 
ante clauaac rugani prohibebaal ; ad hoc mulieres p 
que pro tectis aedifieionun ! locus 

pcaebebat, certaimi m I 
malum, usque ■ tort i - 
posse : juxta l>«>ui malique, strenui «t imbeDei inulti 

obtnmcati. in ca tai midis 

«*t oj){)id() undique clause^ Turpi] omnibus 

Italicis profogil l! 

paclionr, an I 

quia llli in 1;mt<> ma' 

im proboa iftteetabiliequc ridetwr. 

LXYIIL Mi iii.ias. poetquam de rebus 
eomfperit, pauUieper n 

ubi II uritudo ]>rnni\t;i. rum maxuma cura ultum 

fare lnjun i in. cum 

quam plurim 

mi totii expeditoi 
horam tertian pervenil in quamdan planitiem, locia pauDo 
snjierioribufl cmunnentam. Ibi milit 

magnitudine, el jam 'abninnu> omnia, docet, • 

Vagam aon amplius 7 milk paaauum ah illos 

roliquum htborem aequo auimo pati, dum p* 

viris ibrtissumis atque miserrum> 

praeterea *praedam benigne ostentat Sic ania 

arrcctis, cquitcs in prima la:. B quam ar::>Mimc 

ire, siiiua occultare jubet 

LXIX. Vj ibi animum advortcr. 

sum cxercitum peigere, primo. uti e? i Hum 

rati, portas clauscrc . deinde. ubi ncqi: iri, ct 

eos, qui primi adcrant, 'Nunridas cqir/ 
Jugurtham arbitrati, cum magflo iraudio obvii procedunt. 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 47 

Equites peditesque, repente signo dato, alii holgura 
eilusum oppido caedere ; alii ad portas festinare ; pars 
turns capcre : ira atque praedae spes amplius, quam las- 
situdo posse. Ita Vagenses biduum modo 2 ex perfidia 
iti : civitas nnuna et opulens poenae cuncta, ant 
praedae fuit. Turpilius quern, praefectum oppidi, imum 
i i omnibus ppofi .idimus. jussus a Metello 

caussam dicere, poatquam feaaa paran axpmg a l j con- 
drmnaii Milvit : main is 

civis qi \M 

I,\\. i in pus ]\> cnJBfl iuipulsu Ju- 

gun: quam metu daaartritj tneeperatj 

ril- 

para : ad porniciam «*jus Mam warn lia aoctaqaa 

e aainpram i deniquc oun bun sibi 

adjuiii:* \ ibdah m, haarinaai aobflem, magna «mii»us, 

;»tuni(jii<- popolai qui pit rum 

qui 
ulstricto 
■ > llli gloria I 1 L r itur 

Utriusque CODsilio (1: 

nit. Nabdak \«-r- 

litum p Iv<»manoruin ju- 

habrtmtj r, inultifl h< n-tur. Is p 

id tempna aon 
a in it . ni« taaqua it m impedi< bat, Bomilcai rinral <mpi 
patrandi, al tmmr. 

consilio, novum ittcras ad cum per homines 

fulfils mitt it , • ; 'llitirm serordiamqiu- viri accusare : 

praamia M<tHli in 

>se, ceterum 

Metelli periret, id modo agitari : proinde 

reputaret cum animo suo, praemia, an cruciatum, mallet." 

I, XXI. Sep, cum hae litterae adlatae, forte Nabdalsa, 

rcito corpore fessus, in lecto quiescebat ; ubi, cogni- 

tis Bomilcaris verbis, primo cura, deinde, uti n aegrum 

animum solet, somnus cepit. Erat ei Numida quidam, 



48 SALLUSTII jrGURTHA. 

negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque, et omnium con- 

siliorum, nisi novissumi, particeps. Qui postquam adlatas 

litteras audivit, ex consuetudine ratus J opera i 

suo opus esse, in tabernaculum introivit : dormiente illo 

epistolam, super caput in pulvino 

ac perle^it ; detfl pjTOpere, O lis, ad r« 

pergit Nabdalsa, j><>st panik b, ul>i n 

epistobun repent, et 2 rem omm 

primo indicem persequi 

fuit, Jttgurtfaam pUca&di gi 

it, perfidia c 1 i < • 1 1 1 1 s sin pn >btes- 

tatur u per amicitiam, pen) 

super kali scolerc 

L \ \ 1 1 
respeodit BontleeM Btjisqne mi 

arum COfpomat, into 

ex eo aegotio seditiq oruetur. Neqpa port id kx 

Juguithae difes an; dob ulla 

aeqne mortal] eoiquam, aut tempoi 

hostis jus na 

atrepttu p 

decufl regium, aoctu nquiescere : LBterdmn 

tus, urreptu anma tuinultuin facer* : H 

record i- iri. 

LXXIIL tornji Metellus, nhi d 
iiulicio patefacto ex perfo 

ad integrum belhnn, cimota paral featinatqu .rium, 

:, iatioantoni de pro Lid Bl invitum. 

sibi, parum idoncum ratus, doininn diuiittit. i 
plebes, titteris, quae de M 
cognitis, volenti animo de ambobua 
ratori aobilitas, quae antea decori, invid u : at ^llli 

alteri generis humilit aa m addid< • terwn in 

utroque magis studia partium, quara 
moderata. Pi 
gitare, : M Helium omn 
Marii rirtutem in majus celebrare. Deniq 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA, 49 

accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, Quorum res fides 
que in manibus sitae erant, relietis operibus, frequenta- 
rent Marium, et sua necessaria post illius lionorem duce- 
rent. Ita, perculsa nobilitate, 2 post multas tempestates 
novo homini consulatus mandator : et postea populus, a 
tribuno plebis, Mamlio Mancino, rogatus, quem vellet 
cum jugurtha bellum gerere ? frequeiis Marium jussit. 
Senatus panllo ant< Metello 3 decrevi rat : ea res iVustra tuit. 
LXXIV. Eodem t< Jugurtha, amiaaia amieis ; 

quorum plerosque ip \ eeteri lormidine, pars 

id Romanos, aln ad Bocchnm ptofageranl ; cum 

neqiu* belhun gun tine administria a O fonun 

Hem in tanta perfidia returam experiri periculoeum dn- 

..tabat : neque illi res, neque 
coneilium, an! quiaquam hominmn satis placebafl : itinera 
ptaeaactoiqug in diea mnftan : i ram boat 

naafdmn m aulilmlhii ac post 

paullo ipem in ai : dubttare, vinuti popularium, 

an Ha mim. ita, \\\ rat, res 

ad\M mt. Bad, intr: ^e 

\ mid te ab Jugurtha 
'pro tern rati inatractique : dein preelium incipitur. 

Qui m par: luit, ibi aliqnamdin ccrtatum : eeteri 

omn« i i jus milifc - prime eoo cuia u pulai fugatique. Ro- 
liuii ngnonun el aimonnn aliquanto aumero, boetium 
paneoram potM ■ nam feme Numidaa in omnibus p: 
liis pedes magia, quam anna ;ui i aunt 

1A\\. Ei faga Jugurtha Hmpiimawa modo rebus mus 
dMHene, cum p< -riiiL aqaitatufl in tniitudhiftft, 

dein Thalam perreiiit, in oppidum magnum at opulen- 
tum, ubi p i etiqu a th< fiUorumq multus pue- 

ritiae cultus erat. Quat poatquam Metello comperta, 
quamquam inter Thalam ^flumenque proxumum, spatio 
millium qtrinquaginta, loca arida atque vasta esse cogno- 
verat, tamen, spe patrandi belli, si ejus oppidi potitus 
foret, omnis asperitates supervadere, ac naturam etiam 
vine ere adgreditur. Igitur omnia jumenta sarcinis levari 

7 



50 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. 

jubet, nisi frumento dierum decern : ceterum utres modo, 
et alia aquae idonea portari. Praeterea conquirit ex 
agris quam plurimum potest domiti pecoris ; eoque im- 
ponit l vasa cujusque modi, pleraque lignea, collecta ex 
tuguriis Numidarum. Ad hoc, finitumis imperat, qi. 
post regis fugam Metello dederant, quam plurimum quisque 
aquae portarent ; diem locumque, 2 ubi praesto forent, 
praedicit. Ipse ex flumine, quam proxumam oppido 
aquam supra diximus, jumcnta onerat : eo modo instructus 
ad Thalam proficiscitur. Deinde, ubi ad id loci ventum, 
quo Numidis praeceperat, et castra posita muni 
sunt, tanta repente coelo n s aquae dicitur, ut 3 ea 

modo excrcitui satis lapenjne foret. P 1 mea- 

tus spe amplior : quia Numida*-. akttti ph-riqur in 
deditione, officii im end en Mat. i^ione 

pluvia nitidis DM : raqm- IM iiniltum aimnis eonmi 
addidit ; nam rati MM dis nninortalibus curae esse. 
Deinde postero die, contra opinionem JuLrurthae, ad 
Thalam perveniunt. Oppidani, qp 
tate nmnitos iiedMeieiil, magna atqne ineofta n 
nihilo segniua bettrnn pararc : idem m 

LXXV1. Ssd rex nihil jam Ifetello 

quippe qui omnia, anna, tela, 1". uique 

naturam ipsam, cetrris linpcritantnn, null 

cum liberis et magna parta [>in i im in i ex oppido i 
profugit : neque postea in ullo loco ampin:- 
una nocte moratus, simulabat aeefl neg o tli gratia pt 
rare ; ceterum proditionem tinubat. (juam \\: 
celeritate putahat : nam talia con>ilia 'per otium, - 
opportunitate capi. M Metellus, xibi oppidanos *p: 
intentos, simul oppidum et operibus, et loco munitum 
videt, vallo lbssaque moenia circumvcnit. Deinde 
9 ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agen 
10 et super aggerein nnpositis turribus o; :ministroa 

(atari. Contra haoc oppidani iestinare, parare : proreus 
ab utrisque nihil reliquum fieri. Denique Komani. ;: multo 
ante labore praeliisque fatiglli, 'post dies quadraginta, 



SALLUSTII Jl'GURTHA. 51 

quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo potiti : praeda omnis 
ab perfugis corrupta. Ii postquam murum ^rietibus 
feriri, resque suas 2 adflictas vident, aurum atque argen- 
tum, et alia, quae prima ducuntur, domum regiam com- 
portant • ibi vino et epulis onerati, illaque, et domum, et 
et igni corrumpunt ; et quas victi ab hostibus poenas 
metucrant eas ipsi volentes pependere. 

L XXVII. Sed 3 pariter cum capta Thala legati ex 
oppido Lepti ad Metellum v« HM rant, orantos. u uti prae- 

ium praHVctumque eo mitteret : Hamilcarem quemdam, 
hominem nobilem, factiosum, no vis rebus studeiv ; advor- 
sum quern neque imperia magistratuum, I life 

ni id festmart t, in summo periculo 4 suam salutem, 
illorum socios fore." Nam Leptitani jam inde a prin- 
cipio belli Jugurthini ad l>r>tiam MMmImb, et postea Ro- 
mam miserant, amieitiam societatemque rogatum. Deinde, 
ubi ea impetrata, semper bora mlelesque mansrre, et 
curicta a Bestia, Albino, MtJllloflM impt-rata '-navi l'< 
rant. It [uae petebant, adepti. 

Eo missae cohortes Ligurum quatuor, et C. Annius 
praefectus. 

I. XX VII I. Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum, quos 
accepimus, profugos ob discordias civilis, navibus in eos 
locos venisse : ceterum 6 situm inter dua . quibus 

nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prope in 
ivina Africa, iinpares magnitudine, pari natura : quo- 
rum proxuma terrae praealta sunt : Often* 8 uti fors tulit, 
aha ; alia in tempestate vadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum 
esse, et sacvire ventis coepit, limum amiamque et saxa 
ingentia fluctus trahunt : ita facies locorum cum ventis 
simul mutatur. Ejus civitatis lingua modo conversa con- 
nubio Numidarum : 9 leges, cultusque pleraque Sidonica ; 
quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis 
aetatem agebant. Inter illos et 10 frequentem Numidiam 
multi vastique loci erant. 

LXXIX. Sed, quoniam in has regiones per Leptitano- 
rum negotia venimus, non n indignum videtur, egregium 



52 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

atque mirabile faciims duorum Carthaginiensium ' memo- 
rare : earn rem locus admonuit. Qua tempestate Car- 
thaginienses ^leraeque Africae imperitabant, Cyrenenses 
quoque magni atque opulenti fuere. Ager in medio 
arenosus, una specie : neque fTumen, neque mons erat, 
qui finis eorum discerneret ; quae res eos in magno 
diuturno bello inter se habuit. Postquam utrimque 
2 legiones, item classes fusae fugataeque, et alteri alteros 
aliquantum adtriverant ; veriti, ne mox victos victoresque 
defessos alius adgrederetur, 3 per inducias sponsionem 
faciunt, " uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur ; quo 
in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque 
populi finis haberetur." Igitur Carthagine duo fratres 
missi, 4 quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturavere iter 
pergere : Cyrenenses tardius iere. Id secordiane, an 
casu accident, parum cognovi. Ceterum solet in illis 
locis tempestas haud secus, atque in mari, retinere. Nam 
ubi, per loca aequalia et 5 nuda gignentium, ventus coortus 
arenam humo excitavit, ea, magna vi agitata, ora oculos- 
que implere solet ; ita prospectu impedito, b morari iter. 
Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se vident, et 
7 ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuunt ; criminari, 
Carthaginienses ante tempus domo digressos, conturbare 
rem: denique omnia malle, quam vied abire. Sed cum 
Poeni aliam conditionem, tantummodo aequam, peter ent, 
8 Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciimt, " vel illi, 
quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi vivi obruerentur ; vel 
eadem conditione sese, quern in locum vellent, proces- 
suros." Philaeni, conditione probata, seque vitamque 
reipublicae condonavere : ita vivi obruti. Caithaginienses 
in eo loco Philaenis fratribus 9 aras consecravere ; aliique 
illis domi honores instituti. Nunc ad rem redeo. 

LXXX. Jugurtha postquam, amissa Thala, nihil satis 
firmum contra Metellum putat, per magnas solitudines 
cum paucis profectus, pervenit ad Gaetulos, genus homi- 
num ferum incultumque, et eo tempore ignarum nominis 
Romani. Eorum midtitudinem in unum cogit : ac paid- 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 53 

Iatim consuefacit frames habere, signa sequi, imperium 
observare, item alia niilitaria facere. Praeterea regis 
Bocchi 2 proxumos magnis muneribus, et majoribus pro- 
missis, ad studium sui perdu cit ; quis adjutoribus regem 
adgressus, impellit, uti advorsum Romanos bellum suscipiat. 
Id ea gratia 3 facilius proniusque fuit, quod Bocchus 
initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat, foedus et 
amicitiam petitum ; quam rem 4 opportunissumam incepto 
bello pauci impediverant, caeci avaritia, quis omnia ho- 
nesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. Etiam antea 
Jugurthae filia 5 Bocchi nupserat. Verum 6 ea necessitudo 
apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur : quod singuli, 
pro opibus quisque, quam plurimas uxores, denas alii, 
alii plures habent ; sed reges eo amplius. Ita 7 animus 
multitudine distrahitur ; nulla pro socia obtinet : pariter 
omnes viles sunt. 

LXXXI. Igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus 
conveniunt : ibi, fide data et accepta, Jugurtha Bocchi 
animum oratione accendit : u Romanos injustos, profunda 
avaritia, communis omnium hostis esse : eamdem illos 
caussam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum 
aliis gentibus, lubidinem imperitandi : 9 quis omnia regna 
advorsa sint : 10 tum sese, paullo ante Carthaginienses, 
item regem Persen, post, uti quisque opulentissumus 
videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore." His atque aliis 
talibus dictis, ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt ; quod 
ibi Metellus praedam captivosque et impedimenta locaverat. 
Ita Jugurtha ratus, aut, capta urbe, n operae pretium fore ; 
aut, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset, praelio sese eertatu- 
ros. Nam callidus id modo festinabat, ]2 Bocchi pacem im- 
minuere ; ne moras agitando, aliud, quam bellum, mallet. 

LXXXII. Imperator postquam de regum societate 
cognovit, non temere, neque, uti saepe jam victo Jugur- 
tha consueverat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam facit : 
ceterum haud procul ab Cirta, castris munitis, reges op- 
peritur ; melius ratus, l3 cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novus 
hostis accesserat, ex commodo pugnam facere. Interim 

7* 



54 SALLTJSTII JUGURTHA. 

Roma per litteras certior fit, provinciam Numidiam Maria 
datam : nam consulem factum, jam antea acceperat. Quis 
rebus x supra bonum atque honestum pereulsus, neque 
lacrumas tenere, neque moderari linguam : vir egregius 
in aliis artibus, nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. Quam 
rem alii in superbiam 2 vortebant : alii bonum ingenium 
contumelia accensum esse : multi, quod jam parta victo- 
ria ex rnanibus eriperetur : nobis satis cognitum, ilium 
3 magis honore Marii, quam injuria sua excruciatum, neque 
tarn anxie laturum fuisse, si ademta provincia alii quam 
Mario traderetur. 

LXXXIII. Igitur eo dolore impeditus, et quia 4 stulti- 
tiae videbatur alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos 
ad Bocchum mittit, postulatum, " ne sine caussa hostis 
populo Romano fieret : habere eum 5 magnam copiam 
societatis amicitiaeque conjungendae, quae potior bello 
esset : quamquam opibus confideret, non debere incerta 
pro certis mutare : 6 omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum 
aegerrume desinere : non in ejusdem potestate initium 
ejus et finem esse : incipere cuivis, etiam ignavo, licere ; 
deponi cum victores velint : proinde sibi regnoque con- 
suleret, neu florentis res suas cum Jugurthae 7 perditis 
misceret." Ad ea rex 8 satis placide verba facit : " sese 
pacem cupere, sed Jugurthae fortunarum misereri ; si 
eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura." Rursus im- 
perator 9 contra postulata Bocchi nuncios mittit : ille pro- 
bare partim, partim abnuere. Eo modo saepe ab utroque 
missis remissisque nunciis, tempus procedere, et, ex 
Metelli voluntate, bellum intactum trahi. 

LXXXIV. At Marius, ut supra 10 diximus, cupientis- 
suraa plebe consul factus, postquam ei provinciam Nu- 
midiam populus jussit, antea jam infestus nobilitati, turn 
vero 11 multus atque ferox instare : singulos modo, modo 
universos laedere : dictitare, " 12 sese consulatum ex victis 
illis spolia cepisse ;" alia praeterea 13 magnifica pro se, 
et illis dolentia. Interim, quae bello opus erant, u prima 
habere : postulare legionibus supplementum, auxilia a 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 55 

populis et regibus sociisque arcessere : praeterea ex Latio 
fortissumum queinque, T pIerosque militiae, paucos fama 
cognitos accire, et 2 ambiendo cogere homines emeritis 
stipendiis secum proficisci. Neque illi senatus, quam- 
quam advorsus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat ; 
3 ceterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat : quia 
neque plebi militia volenti putabatur, et Marius aut belli 
usum, aut studia volgi amissurus. Sed ea res frustra 
sperata ; *tanta lubido cum Mario eundi plerosque inva- 
serat. Sese quisque praeda locupletem, victorem, domum 
rediturum, alia hujuscemodi animis trahebant : et eos 
non paullum oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam, post- 
quam, omnibus quae postulaverat decretis, milites scri- 
bere volt, hortandi caussa simul, et nobilitatem, uti con- 
sue verat, 5 exagitandi, concionem populi advocavit. Deinde 
hoc modo disseruit. 

LXXXV. u 6 Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non isdem 
artibus imperium a vobis petere, et, postquam adepti sunt, 
gerere : primo industrios, supplicis, modicos esse ; de- 
rmic per ignaviam et superbiam aetatem agere : sed mihi 
7 contra ea videtur. 8 Nam, quo uni versa respublica plu- 
ris est, quam consulatus aut praetura, eo majore cura 
illam administrari, quam haec peti debere. 9 Neque me 
fallit, quantum cum maxumo beneficio vestro negotii 
sustineam. Bellum parare simul, et aerario parcere : 
cogere ad militiam, quos nolis offendere ; domi forisque 
omnia curare ; et ea agere inter invidos, occursantis, 
factiosos, 10 opinione, Quirites, asperius est. n Ad hoc, 
alii si deliquere, vetus nobilitas, majorum facta fortia, 
cognatorum et adfinium opes, multae clientelae, omnia 
haec praesidio adsunt : mihi spes omnes in memet sitae, 
quas necesse est et virtute, et innocentia tutari : nam 
alia infirma sunt. 12 Et illud intellego, Quirites, omnium 
ora in me conversa esse : 13 aequos bonosque favere : 
quippe bene facta mea reipublicae procedunt ; nobilitatem 
locum 14 invadendi quaerere. Quo mihi acrius adniten- 
dum est, 15 ut neque vos capiamini, et illi frustra sint. 



56 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

*Ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, ut omnis labores, pe- 
ricula consueta habeam. Quae 2 ante vestra beneficia 
gratuito faciebam, ea uti, accepta mercede, deseram, non 
est consilium, Quirites. Illis difficile est 3 in potestatibus 
temperare, qui per ambitionem sese probos simulavere : 
mihi, qui omnem aetatem in optumis artibus egi, bene- 
facere jam ex consuetudine in naturam vertit. Bellum 
me gerere cum Jugurtha jussistis ; quam rem nobilitas 
aegerrume tulit. Quaeso, reputate cum animis vestris, 
num id mutare melius sit, si quem 4 ex illo globo nobil- 
itatis ad hoc, aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem 
5 veteris prosapiae ac multarum imaginum, et nullius sti- 
pendii : scilicet ut in tanta re, 6 ignarus omnium, trepi- 
det, festinet, sumat aliquem ex populo monitorem officii. 
Ita plerumque evenit, ut, quem vos imperare jussistis, is 
imperatorem alium quaerat. Ac ego scio, Quirites, qui 
postquam consules facti sunt, acta majorum, et Graeco- 
rum militaria praecepta legere coeperint ; 7 homines prae- 
posteri. 8 Nam gerere, quam fieri, tempore posterius, 
re atque usu prius est. Comparate nunc, Quirites, 
cum illorum superbia me hominem novum. Quae illi 
audire et legere solent, eorum partim vidi, alia egomet 
gessi : quae illi litteris, ego militando didici. Nunc vos 
existumate, facta an dicta pluris sint. Contemnunt novi- 
tatem meam ; ego illorum ignaviam : mihi fortuna, illis 
probra objectantur ; quamquam ego naturam unam et com- 
munem omnium existumo, sed fortissumum quemque 
9 generosissumum. Ac, si jam ex patribus Albini, aut 
Bestiae, quaeri posset, mene, an illos ex se gigni malue- 
rint, 10 quid responsuros creditis, nisi, sese liberos quam 
optumos voluisse ? Quod si jure me despiciunt, faciant 
idem majoribus suis, quibus, uti mihi, ex virtute nobilitas 
coepit. Invident honori meo ; ergo in vide ant et labori, 
innocentiae, periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec ilium 
cepi. Verum homines corrupti superbia ita aetatem 
agunt, quasi vestros honores contemnant ; ita hos petunt, 
quasi honeste vixerint. n Ne, illi falsi sunt, qui divorsis- 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 57 

sumas res pariter exspectant, Hgnaviae voluptatem, et 
praemia virtutis. Atque etiam cum apud vos, aut in 
senatu verba faciunt, pleraque oratione majores suos ex- 
tollunt : eorum fortia facta memorando clariores sese pu- 
tant ; 2 quod contra est. Nam quanto vita illorum praecla- 
rior, tanto horum secordia flagitiosior. Et profecto ita 
se res habet : majorum gloria 3 posteris lumen est, neque 
bona neque mala in occulto patitur. Hujusce rei ego 
inopiam patior, Quirites ; verum id, quod multo praecla- 
rius est, meamet facta mihi dicere licet. Nunc videte, 
quam iniqui sint. Quod 4 ex aliena virtute sibi adrogant, 
id mihi ex me a non concedunt : scilicet, quia imagines 
non habeo, et quia mihi nova nobilitas est ; quam certe 
peperisse melius est, quam acceptam corrupisse. Equi- 
dem ego non ignoro, si jam respondere velint, 5 abunde 
illis facundam et compositam orationem fore. Sed 6 in 
maxumo vestro beneficio, cum omnibus locis me vosque 
maledictis lacerent, non placuit reticere, ue quis modes- 
tiam in conscieiitiaui duceret. Nam me quidem, 7 ex 
animi sententia, nulla oratio laedere potest : 8 quippe vera 
necesse est bene praedicet ; falsam vita moresque mei 
superant. Sed, quoniam 9 vestra consilia accusantur, qui 
mihi summum honorem, et maxumum negotium imposuis- 
tis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num id poenitendum sit. 
Non possum 10 fidei caussa imagines, neque triumphos, 
aut consulatus majorum meorum ostentare ; at, si res pos- 
tulet, n hastas, vexillum, phaleras, alia militaria dona ; 
praeterea, cicatrices advorso corpore. Hae sunt meae 
imagines, haec nobilitas, non haereditate 12 relicta, ut ilia 
illis, sed quae ego plurimis laboribus et periculis quae- 
sivi. 13 Non sunt composita verba mea ; parum id facio ; 
ipsa se virtus satis ostendit : illis artificio opus est, uti 
turpia facta oratione tegant. 14 Neque litteras Graecas 
didici : parum placebat eas discere, quippe quae ad vir- 
tutem doctoribus nihil profuerunt. At ilia multo optu ma 
reipublicae doctus sum ; hostem ferire, 15 praesidia agi- 
tare : nihil metuere, nisi turpem famam ; hiemem et aes- 



58 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

tatem juxta pati ; humi requiescere ; eodem tempore ino- 
piam et laborem tolerare. His ego praeceptis milites 
hortabor : x neque illos arte colam, me opulenter ; neque 
gloriam meam laborem illorum faciam. 2 Hoc est utile, 
hoc civile imperium. Namque, cum 3 tute per mollitiem 
agas, exercitum supplicio cogere, id est, dominum, non 
imperatorem esse. Haec atque talia majores vestri faci- 
undo seque remque publicam celebravere : quis nobilitas 
freta, ipsa dissimilis moribus, nos illorum aemulos con- 
temnit ; et omnis honores non ex merito, sed quasi debi- 
tos, a vobis repetit. Ceterum homines superbissumi 
procul errant. Majores eorum omnia, quae licebat, illis 
reliquere, divitias, imagines, memoriam sui praeclaram : 
virtutem non reliquere ; neque poterant : ea sola neque 
datur dono, neque accipitur. Sordidum me et incultis 
moribus aiunt, 4 quia parum scite convivium exorno, neque 
histrionem ullum, neque pluris pretii coquum, quam 
villicum, habco ; quae mihi lubet confiteri. Nam ex 
parente meo, et ex 5 sanctis viris ita accepi, munditias 
mulieribus, viris laborem convenire, omnibusque bonis 
oportere plus gloriae, quam divitiarum : arma, non supel- 
lectilem decori esse. Quin ergo, quod juvat, quod carum 
aestumant, id semper faciant ; 6 ament, potent ; ubi ado- 
lescentiam habuere, ibi senectutem agant, in conviviis, 
dediti ventri et turpissumae parti corporis ; 7 sudorem, pul- 
verem et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus ilia epulis 
jucundiora sunt. Verum non est ita. Nam, ubi se om- 
nibus flagitiis dedecoravere turpissumi viri, bonorum prae- 
mia ereptum eunt. Ita injustissume luxuria et ignavia, 
pessumae artes, illis, qui coluere eas, nihil obficiunt ; 
reipublicae innoxiae 8 cladi sunt. Nunc, quoniam illis, 
quantum mores mei, non illorum flagitia poscebant, re- 
spondi, pauca de republica loquar. Primum omnium, de 
Numidia bonum habetote animum, Quirites. Nam, quae 
ad hoc tempus Jugurtham tuta sunt, omnia removistis, 
9 avaritiam, imperitiam, superbiam. Deinde exercitus ibi 
est, locorum sciens ; sed mehercule magis streams, quam 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 59 

felix. Nam magna pars avaritia, aut temeritate ducum 
adtrita est. Quamobrem vos, quibus hnilitaris aetas, ad- 
nitimini mecum, et capessite rempublicam : neque quem- 
quam ex calamitate aliorum, aut imperatorum superbia, 
metus ceperit. Egomet in agmine, in praelio consultor 
idem, et socius periculi vobiscum adero : 2 meque vosque 
in omnibus rebus jux f a geram. Et profecto, dis juvanti- 
bus, 3 omnia matura sunt, victoria, praeda, laus : quae si 
dubia aut procul essent, tamen omnis bonos reipublicae 
subvenire decebat. Etenim ignavia nemo immortalis 
factus : 4 neque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, 
optavit ; magis, uti boni honestique vitam exigerent. 
Plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis virtutem verba adde- 
rent ; nam strenuis abunde dictum puto." 

LXXXYI. Hujuscemodi oratione habita, Marius post- 
quam plebis animos arrectos videt, propere commeatu, 
stipendio, armis, aliis utilibus navis onerat : cum his A. 
Manlium legatum proficisci jubet. Ipse interea milites 
scribere, non more majorum, neque 5 ex classibus, sed uti 
cujusque lubido erat, 6 capite censos plerosque. Id factum 
alii inopia bonorum, alii per ambition em consulis memo- 
rabant ; 7 quod ab eo genere celebratus auctusque erat ; 
et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissumus quisque op- 
portunissumus, cui neque sua curae, quippe quae nulla 
sunt, et omnia 8 cum pretio honesta videntur. Igitur 
Marius cum majore aliquanto numero, quam decretum 
erat, in Africam profectus, diebus paucis Uticam advehi- 
tur. Exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato ; nam 
Metellus conspectum Marii fugerat, ne videret ea, quae 
audita animus tolerare nequiverat. 

LXXXYII. Sed consul, 9 expletis legionibus cohorti- 
busque auxiliariis, in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum 
proficiscitur : omnia ibi capta militibus donat : dein cas- 
tella et oppida natura et viris parum munita adgreditur : 
praelia multa, ceterum levia, alia aliis locis facere. In- 
terim novi milites sine metu pugnae adesse : videre 
fugientis capi, occidi ; fortissumum quemque tutissumum ; 



60 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

armis libartatem^ patriam parentesque et alia omnia tegi ; 
gloriam atque divitias quaeri. Sic brevi spatio novi vete- 
resque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. At 
reges, ubi de adventu Marii cognoverunt, 1 dirorsi in locos 
difficilis abeunt. Ita Jugurthae placuerat, speranti, mox 
effusos hostis invadi posse ; Romanos, sicuti plerosque, 
remoto metu, laxius licentiusque futuros. 

LXXXVIII. Metellus interea Romam profectus, con- 
tra spem suam, 2 laetissumis animis excipitur ; plebi pa- 
tribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, juxta cams. Sed 
Marius impigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pari- 
ter adtendere : cognoscere quid boni utrisque, am contra 
esset : explorare itinera regum, consilia et insidias ante- 
venire : 3 nihil apud se remissum, neque apud illos tutum 
pati : Itaque et Gaetulos, et Jugurtliam, ex sociis nostris 
praedam agentes, saepe adgressus itinere fuderat, ipsum- 
que regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta 4 armis exuerat. 
Quae postquam gloriosa modo, neque 5 belli patrandi 
cognovit, statuit urbis, quae viris aut loco 6 pro hostibus, 
et advorsum se opportunissumae erant, singulas circum- 
venire : ita Jugurtham aut praesidiis nudatum, si ea 
pateretur, aut praelio certaturum. Nam Boccbus nuncios 
ad eum saepe miserat, u velle populi Romani amicitiam ; 
ne quid ab se hostile timer et." Id simulaveritne, 7 quo 
improvisus gravior accideret, an mobilitate ingenii pacem 
atque bellum mutare solitus, parmn exploratum. 

LXXXIX. Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque 
munita adire : partim vi, alia metu, aut praemia osten- 
tando avortere ab hostibus. Ac primo s mediocria gerebat, 
existumans, Jugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus ventu- 
rum. Sed, ubi procul abesse, et aliis negotiis intentum 
accepit, majora et magis aspera adgredi tempus visum. 
Erat inter ingentis solitudines oppidum magnum atque 
valens, nomine Capsa, cujus conditor 9 Hercules Libys 
memorabatur. Ejus cives apud Jugurtham 10 immunes, 
levi imperio, et ob ea fldelissumi habebantur : muniti 
advorsum hostis non moenibus modo, et armis atque 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 61 

viris, multo magis locorum asperitate. Nam, praeter op- 
pido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, 
Hnfesta serpentibus : 2 quarum -vis, sicuti omnium ferarum, 
inopia cibi acrior : ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa per- 
niciosa, siti magis, quam alia re, accenditur. Ejus po- 
tiundi Marium maxuma cupido invaserat, cum propter 
3 usum belli, turn quia res aspera videbatur ; et Metellus 
oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter 
situm munitumque ; nisi quod apud Thalam haud longe 
a moenibus aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo, 
atque ea intra oppidum, 4 jugi aqua, cetera pluvia utebantur. 
Id ibique, et 5 in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incul- 
tius agebat, eo facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae ple- 
rumque lacte et ferina came vescebantur, neque 6 salem, 
neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant ; cibus 7 illis advor- 
sum famem atque sitim, non lubidini, neque luxuriae erat. 

XC. Igitur consul, omnibus exploratis, credo, dis fre- 
tus ; nam contra tantas difficultates consilio satis provi- 
dere non poterat ; quippe etiam frumenti inopia 8 tentaba- 
tur, quod Numidae pabulo pecoris, magis, quam arvo 
student, et quodcumque natum fuerat, jussu regis in loca 
munita contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuus ea 
tempestate, nam aestatis extremum erat ; tamen 9 pro rei co- 
pia satis providenter exornat : pecus omne, quod superiori- 
bus diebus praedae fuerat, equitibus auxiliariis agendum 
adtribuit : A. Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad 
oppidum Laris, ubi stipendium et commeatum locaverat, ire 
jubet ; 10 se praedabundum post paucos dies eodem ventu- 
rum. Sic incepto suo occulto, pergit ad flumen Tanam. 

XCI. Ceterum in itinere quotidie pecus exercitui per 
11 centurias, item turmas, aequaliter distribuerat, et ex coriis 
utres uti fierent curabat : simul et inopiam frumenti lenire, 
et, ignaris omnibus, parare, quae mox usui forent. Denique 
sexto die, cum ad flumen ventum est, maxuma vis utrium 
efTecta. Ibi castris levi munimento positis, milites ci- 
bum capere, atque, uti simul cum occasu solis egrederen- 
tur, paratos esse jubet ; omnibus sarcinis abjectis, aqua 

8 



62 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

modo seque et jumenta onerare. Dein, postquam tempus 
visum, castris egreditur, noctemque totam itinere facto, 
consedit : idem ^roxuma facit : dein tertia, multo ante 
lucis adventum, pervenit in locum tumulosum, ab Capsa 
non amplius duum millium inter vallo ; ibique, quam occul- 
tissume potest, cum omnibus copiis opperitur. Sed, ubi 
dies coepit, et Numidae, nihil hostile metuentes, multi 
oppido egressi ; repente omnem equitatum, et cum his 
velocissumos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam, et portas 
obsidere jubet : deinde ipse intentus propere sequi, ne- 
que milites praedari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani 
cognovere ; 2 res trepidae, metus ingens, malum impro- 
visum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium po- 
testate, coegere, uti deditionem facerent. Ceterum oppi- 
dum incensum : Numidae puberes interfecti ; alii omnes 
venum dati : praeda militibus divisa. 3 Id facinus contra 
jus belli, non avaritia, neque scelere consulis admissum ; 
sed quia locus Jugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu difficilis, 
genus hominum mobile, infidum, neque bencficio, neque 
metu coercitum. 

XCII. Postquam tantam rem Marius, sine ullo suo- 
rum incommodo patravit ; magnus et clarus antea, major 
et clarior haberi coepit. 4 Omnia, non bene consulta 
modo, verum etiam casu data, in virtutem trahebantur : 
milites, 5 modesto imperio habiti simul, et locupletes, ad 
coelum ferre : Numidae magis, quam mortalem timere : 
postremo omnes socii atque hostes credere illi aut men- 
tern divinam, aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi. Sed 
consul, ubi ea res bene evenit, ad alia oppida pergit : 
pauca, repugnantibus Numidis, capit ; plura 6 deserta, prop- 
ter Capsensium miserias, igni corrumpit : luctu atque 
caede omnia complentur. Denique, multis locis potitus, 
ac plerisque exercitu incruento, 7 ad aliam rem adgreditur, 
8 non eadem asperitate, qua Capsensium, ceterum haud 
secus difficilem. Namque haud longe a flumine ]\Iulucha, 
quod Jugurthae Bocchique regnum disjungebat, erat 9 inter 
ceteram planitiem mons saxeus, mediocri castello satis 



, 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 63 

patens, in immensum editus, uno perangusto aditu relicto : 
nam 1 omnis natura, velut opere atque consulto, praeceps. 
Quem locum Marius, quod ibi regis thesauri erant, sum- 
ma vi capere intendit. Sed ea res forte, quam consilio, 
melius gesta. Nam castello virorum atque armorum sa- 
tis, magna vis frumenti et fons aquae ; aggeribus turri- 
busque et aliis machinationibus locus 2 importunus : iter 
castellanorum angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum. 
Vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agitabantur : nam, 
cum eae paullum processerant, igni, aut lapidibus cor- 
rumpebantur ; milites neque 3 pro opere consistere, propter 
iniquitatem loci, neque intra vineas sine periculo 4 ad- 
ministrare : optumus quisque cadere, aut sauciari ; ceteris 
metus augeri. 

XCIII. At Marius, multis diebus et laboribus consumtis, 
5 anxius trahere cum animo, omitteretne inceptum quo- 
niam frustra erat, an fortunam opperiretur, qua saepe 
prospere usus. Quae cum multos dies, noctes, 6 aestuans 
agitaret, forte quidam Ligus, ex cohortibus auxiliariis 
miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus, haud procul 
ab latere castelli, quod 7 avorsum praeliantibus erat, ani- 
mum advortit inter saxa repentis cochleas : quarum cum 
unam atque alteram, dein plures peteret, studio legundi 
paullatim prope ad summum montis egressus est. Ubi, 
postquam 8 solitudinem intellexit, more humani ingenii, 
cupido ignara visundi invadit. Et forte in eo loco grandis 
ilex coaluerat inter saxa, 9 paullulum modo prona, dein 
flexa atque aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium 
natura fert : cujus ramis modo, modo eminentibus saxis 
nisus Ligus, 10 castelli planitiem perscribit : quod cuncti 
Numidae intenti praeliantibus aderant. Exploratis omni- 
bus, quae mox usui fore ducebat, 11 eadem regreditur, non 
temere, uti escenderat, sed tentans omnia et circumspi- 
ciens. Itaque Marium propere adit, acta edocet, hortatur, 
ab ea parte, qua ipse escenderat, castellum tentet : pol- 
licetur sese itineris periculique ducem. Marius cum 
Ligure, promissa cognitum, 12 ex praesentibus misit: quo» 



64 SJLLLUSTII jugtotha. 

rum uti cujusque ingenium era:, ita rem difficilem aut 
facilem nunciavere. Consulis animus tamen paulliim 
Itaque ex copia 1 tubicinum et cornicinum, nu- 
mero quinque quam Telocissnmos delegit, et cum his, 
praesidio qui forent. quatuor centuriones : omnis Ligun 
par ere jubet, et ei negotio proxumum diem constituit. 

XCIY. Sed, ubi %x praecepto tempus visum, paratis 
compositisque omnibus, ad locum pergit. Ceterum illi 
qui centuriis praeerant, praedocti ab duce. anna ornatum- 
que mutaverant, capite atque pedibus nudis. uti pro- 
spectus nisusque per saxa facilius foret : super terga 
gladii et scuta : verum ea Numidica ex coriis. ponderis 
gratia simul, et offensa quo levins streperent. Igitur 
praegrediens Ligus saxa, et si quae ^etustate radices 
eminebant, laqueis vinciebat, quibus adlevau facilius 
escenderent : mterdum timidos insolentia itineris levare 
manu: ubi paullo asperior adscensus, singulos prae se 
inermos mittere ; deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi ; 
quae Mubia nisu videbantur. potissumus tentare, ac 
us eadem adscendens descendensque, dein statim 
^reris audaciam addere. Igitur. diu mul- 
tumque fatigati. tandem in castellum perveniunt. desertum 
ab ea parte ; quod 01: uti aliis diebus. advorsom 

hostis aderant. Marias, ubi ex nunciis. quae Ligus 
egerat cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos praelio Xu- 
midas habuerat, turn vero cobortatus milites. et ipse extra 
vineas egressus, 6 testudine acta succedere, et simul 
ho stem tormentis sagittariisque et fundi toribus eminus 
ten ere. At Numidae, saepe ante a vine is Romanormn 
subvorsis, item incensis. non castelli moenibus sese tnta- 
bantur, sed pro muro dies noctesque agitare : maledicere 
Romanis. ac Mario vecordiam objectare ; militibos nostris 
7 Jugurthae servitium minari ; secundis rebus feroces esse. 
Interim omnibus Romanis hostibosque praelio intends, 
magna utrimque vi, pro gloria atque imperio his, illis 
pio salute certantabos, repente a tergo signa canere : ac 
prime, mulieres et pueri, qui visum processerant, ^tugere ; 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 65 

deinde, uti quisque muro proxumus erat ; postremo cuncti, 
armati inermesque. Quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani 
instare, fundere, ac plerosque tantummodo ^auciare, dein 
super occisorum corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes 
murum petere ; neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. 
Sic forte correcta Marii temeritas, gloriam ex culpa invenit. 

XCV. Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, 2 L. Sulla quaestor 
cum magno equitatu in castra venit ; quos uti ex Latio et 
a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat. Sed, quoniam 
tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est, de natura 
cultuque ejus paucis dicere : neque enim alio loco de 
Sullae rebus dicturi sumus ; et 3 L. Sisenna, optume et 
diligentissume omnium qui eas res dixere persecutus, 
parum mini libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur Sulla, 
4 gentis patriciae, familia prope jam exstincta majorum 
ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta atque doctis- 
surne eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed 
gloriae cupidior : 5 otio luxurioso ; tamen ab negotiis num- 
quam voluptas remorata, 6 nisi quod de uxore potuit ho* 
nestius consuli : facundus, callidus, et 7 amicitia facilis ; ad 
simulanda negotia altitudo ingenii incredibilis ; multarum 
rerum, ac maxume pecuniae largitor. Atque felicissuma 
omnium 8 ante civile m victoriam numquam super industriam 
fortuna fuit ; multique dubitavere, fortior, an felicior esset : 
nam, postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo, pudeat magis, 
an pigeat disserere. 

XCYI. Igitur Sulla, ut supra dictum, postquam in 
Africam atque in castra Marii cum equitatu venit, rudis 
antea et ignarus belli, 9 sollertissumus omnium in paucis 
tempestatibus factus est. Ad hoc, milites benigne adpel- 
lare ; multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, 
invitus accipere : sed ea properantius, quam 10 aes mutuum 
reddere ; ipse ab nullo repetere ; magis id laborare, ut 
illi quam plurimi deberent : joca atque seria cum humil- 
lumis agere : in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias 
1] multus adesse : neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, 
consulis, aut cujusquam boni famam laedere : tantummodo 

8* 



66 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

neque consilio, neque manu priorem alium pati ; plerosque 
antevenire. Quis rebus, brevi, Mario militibusque caris- 
sumus factus. 

XCVII. At Jugurtha, postquam oppidum Caps am alios - 
que locos munitos et sibi utilis simul, et ^nagnam pecu- 
niam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuncios mittit, " quam pri- 
mum in Numidiam copias adduceret : praelii faciundi 
tempus adesse." Quern ubi cunctari accepit, 2 dubium 
belli atque pacis rationes trahere ; rursus, uti antea, 
proxumos donis corrumpit, ipsique Mauro pollicetur Nu- 
midiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi, aut, 
integris suis finibus, bellum compositum foret. Eo prae- 
mio illectus Boccbus, cum magna multitudine Jugurtham 
accedit. Ita amborum exercitu conjuncto, Marium jam 
in hiberna proficiscentem, 3 vix decima parte die reliqua, 
invadunt : rati noctem, quae jam aderat, victis sibi muni- 
mento fore, et, si vicissent, 4 nullo impedimento, quia lo- 
corum scientes erant ; contra Romanis utrumque casum 
in tenebris dimciliorem. Igitur simul consul ex multis de 
hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi hostes aderant ; et, 
priusquam exercitus aut instrui, aut 5 sarcinas eolligere, 
denique antequam signum, aut imperium ullum accipere 
6 quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, 7 non acie, neque ullo 
more praelii, sed catervatim, uti quosque fors congloba- 
verat, in nostros concurrunt ; qui omnes trepidi impro- 
viso metu, ac tamen virtutis memores, aut arma capie- 
bant, aut capientis alios ab hostibus defensabant : pars 
equos escendere, obviam ire hostibus : pugna 8 latrocinio 
magis, quam praelio similis fieri : sine signis, sine ordini- 
bus equites pedites permixti, caedere alios, alios obtrun- 
care, multos, 9 contra advorsos acerrume pugnantis, ab terga 
circumvenire : neque virtus, neque arma satis tegere, quod 
hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi : denique Ro- 
mani veteres, 10 novique, et ob ea scientes belli, si quos locus, 
aut casus conjunxerat, orbes facere ; atque ita ab omni- 
bus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim susten- 
tabant. 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 67 

XCVIIL Neque in eo tarn aspero negotio territus Ma- 
rius, aut magis, quam ante a, demisso anirao fuit : sed 
1 cum turma sua, qnam ex fortissumis magis, quam fa- 
miliarissumis, paraverat, vagari passim : ac modo laboran- 
tibus suis succurrere, modo hostis, ubi confertissumi 
obs^titerant, invadere : manu consulere militibus, quoniam 
imperare, conturbatis omnibus, non poterat. Jamque dies 
consumtus erat, cum tamen barbari nihil remittere, atque, 
uti^reges praeceperant, 2 noctem pro se rati, acrius instare. 
Turn Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit, atque, uti 
suis receptui locus esset, collis duos propinquos inter se 
occupat : quorum in uno, castris parum amplo, fons aquae 
magnus erat ; alter usui opportunus, quia, magna parte 
editus et praeceps, 3 pauco munimento egebat. Ceterum 
apud aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem 4 agitare jubet. 
Ipse paullatim dispersos milites, neque minus hostibus 
conturbatis, in unum contrahit ; dein cunctos 5 pleno gradu 
in collem subducit. Ita reges, loci difficultate coacti, 
praelio deterrentur ; neque tamen suos longius abire 
sinunt, sed, utroque colle multitudine circumdato, 6 efTusi 
consedere. Dein crebris ignibus factis, plerumque noctis 
barbari suo more laetari, exsultare, strepere rocibus : 
7 ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugerant, pro victoribus 
agere. Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editiori- 
bus locis facilia visu, magnoque hortamento erant. 

XCIX. Plurimum vero Marius imperitia hostium con- 
firmatus, quam maxumum silentium haberi jubet : ne signa 
quidem, hiti per vigilias solebant, can ere : deinde, ubi 
lux adventabat, defessis jam hostibus, et paullo ante 
somno captis, de improviso vigiles, item cohortium, tur- 
marum, legionum tubicines, simul omnis signa canere, 
milites clamor em toller e, atque portis erumpere. Mauri 
atque Gaetuli ignoto et horribili sonitu repente exciti, 
neque fugere, neque arma capere, neque omnino facere 
aut providere quidquam poterant : 9 ita cunctos strepitu, 
clamore, nullo subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu, 
terror e, formido, quasi vecordia, ceperat. Denique omnes 



68 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

fosi fugatique : arma et signa militaria pleraque capta : 
pluresque eo praelio, quam omnibus superioribus inte- 
remti : nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga. 

C. Dein Marius, uti coeperat, Hn hiberna ; quae, 
propter commeatum, in oppidis maritumis agere decre- 
verat * neque tamen secors victoria, aut insolens factus ; 
sed pariter ac in conspectu hostium, 2 quadrato agmine 
incedere. Sulla cum equitatu 3 apud dextumos ; in sinistra 
A. Manlius, cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea 
cohortes Ligurum curabat : primos et extremos cum ex- 
peditis manipulis tribunos locaverat. Perfugae, 4 minume 
cari, et regionum scientissumi, hostium iter explorabant : 
simul consul, quasi nullo imposito, omnia providere ; apud 
omnes adesse ; laudare, increpare merentis. Ipse arma- 
tus intentusque, item milites cogebat : 5 neque secus, atque 
iter facere, castra munire ; excubitum in portas cohortis 
ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere : 
praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias 
ipse circumire, 6 non diffidens ea futura, quae imperavis- 
set, quam 7 uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labos 
volentibus esset. Et sane Marius, illo et aliis temporibus 
belli, pudore magis, quam 8 malo, exercitum coercebat ; 
quod multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant ; pars quod a 
pueritia consuetam duritiam, et alia, quae ceteri miserias 
vocant, voluptati habuisset. 9 Nisi tamen res publica, pari- 
ter ac saevissumo imperio, bene atque decore gesta. 

CI. Igitur quarto denique die, haud longe ab oppido 
Cirta undique simul speculatores 10 citi sese ostendunt ; 
qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia divorsi rede- 
untes, alius ab alia parte, atque omnes idem significabant ; 
consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo or- 
dine commutato, advorsum omnia paratus, ibidem opperi- 
tur. Ita Jugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quatuor 
partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus n utique aliquos ab 
tergo hostibus venturos. Interim Sulla, 12 quem primum 
adtigerant, cohortatus suos, turmatim et quam maxume 
confertis equis, ipse aliique Mauros invadunt: ceteri in 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 69 

loco manentes ab jaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere, 
et, si qui in maims venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo 
equites praeliantur, ^occhus cum peditibus, quos Volux, 
filius ejus, adduxerat, neque in priore pugna, in itinere 
morati, adfuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. 
Turn Marius 2 apud primos agebat ; quod ibi Jugurtha cum 
plurimis. Dein Numida, cognito Bocchi adventu, clam 
cum paucis 3 ad pedites con\ r ortit : ibi Latine (nam apud 
Numantiam loqui didicerat) exclamat : " nostros frustra 
pugnare ; paullo ante Marium sua manu interfectum :" 
simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere, quern in pugna, 
4 satis impigre occiso pedite nostro, cruentaverat. Quod 
ubi milites accipere, magis 5 atrocitate rei, quam fide 
nuncii terrentur : simulque barbari animos toller e, et in 
perculsos acrius incedere. Jamque paullum ab fuga 
aberant, cum Sulla, profligatis, quos advorsum ierat, 
Mauris ab latere incurrit. Bocchus statim avortitur. At 
Jugurtha, dum sustentare suos, et prope jam 6 adeptam 
victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra, 
sinistra, omnibus occisis, solus inter tela hostium vitabun- 
dus erumpit. Atque interim Marius, fugatis equitibus, 
occurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli jam acceperat. Denique 
hostes undique fusi. Turn spectaculum horribile campis 
patentibus : 7 sequi, fugere ; occidi, capi ; equi, viri 
adflicti : ac multi, volneribus acceptis, neque fugere posse, 
neque quietem pati ; 8 niti modo, ac statim concidere : 
postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis, armis, 
cadaveribus ; et inter ea humus infecta sanguine. 

CII. 9 Postea loci consul, haud dubie jam victor, per- 
venit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat. 
Eo 10 post diem quintum, quam iterum barbari male pugna- 
verant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario 
petivere, " duo quam fldissumos ad eum mitteret : velle 
de se, et de populi Romani commodo n cum is disserere." 
Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire jubet. Qui 
quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem 
facere ; ingenium aut avorsum uti flecterent, aut cupidum 



70 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, 1 cujus 
facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba 
hujuscemodi locutus. " Rex Bocche, magna nobis laetitia, 
cum te 2 talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem, 
quam bellum, malles ; neu te optumum cum pessumo 
omnium Jugurtha miscendo commaculares ; simul nobis 
demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem et 
ilium sceleratissumum 3 persequi. Ad hoc, populo Ro- 
mano jam a 4 principio reipublicae visum, amicos, quam 
servos quaerere : tutius rati, volentibus, quam coactis 
imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia ; 
primum, quod procul absumus, in quo orTensae minumum, 
5 gratia par, ac si prope adessemus ; dein, quod 6 parentes 
abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis, neque cuiquam 
omnium satis. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuis- 
set ! profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo 
plura bona accepisses, quam mala perpessus es. Sed, 
quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, 7 cui 
scilicet placuit te et vim et gratiam nostram experiri ; 
nunc, quando per illam licet, festina, atque, ut coepisti, 
perge. Multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius errata 
8 officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte, 
nunquam populum Romanum beneficiis vie turn : nam bello 
quid valeat, tute scis." Ad ea Bocchus placide et be- 
nigne ; simul pauca 9 pro delicto verba facit : " se non hostili 
animo, sed regnum tutatum arma cepisse : nam Numidiae 
partem,unde vi Jugurtham 10 expulerit,jure belli suam factam, 
earn vastari ab Mario pati nequivisse ; praeterea missis 
antea Romam legatis, repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum 
vetera omittere, ac turn, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad 
senatum missurum." Dein n copia facta, animus barbari ab 
amicis flexus, quos Jugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et 
Manlii, metuens id quod parabatur, donis corruperat. 

CIII. Marius interea, exercitu in hibernis composito, 
cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur 
12 in loca sola, obsessum turrim regiam, quo Jugurtha per- 
tugas omnis praesidium imposuerat. Turn rursus Bocchus, 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 71 

seu reputando, quae sibi duobus praeliis Venerant, seu ad- 
monitus ab amicis, quos incorruptos Jugurtha reliquerat, 
ex orani copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et 
fides cognita, et ingenia validissuma erant. Eos ad Ma- 
rium, ac dein, si placeat, Romam legatos ire jubet : 
2 agendarum rerum, et quocumque modo belli componendi 
licentiam permittit. Illi mature ad hibema Romanorum 
proficiscuntur : deinde itinere a Gaetulis latronibus cir- 
cumventi spoliatique, pavidi, 3 sine decore ad Sullam per- 
fugiunt, quem consul, in expeditionem proficiscens, pro 
praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro 4 vanis hostibus, ut 
meriti erant, sed adcurate ac liberaliter habuit ; qua re 
barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam, et Sullam, 
ob munificentiam in sese, amicum rati. Nam etiam turn 
5 largitio multis ignara : munificus nemo putabatur, nisi 
pariter volens : dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. 
Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt : simul ab eo 
petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit : copias, fidem, 
magnitudinem regis sui, et alia, quae aut utilia, aut 6 be- 
nevolentiae credebant, oratione extollunt : dein Sulla omnia 
pollicito, docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum 
verba facerent, circiter dies xl. ibidem opperiuntur. 

CIV. Marius postquam, 7 ibi infecto, quo intenderat, 
negotio, Cirtam redit, de adventu legatorum certior factus, 
illosque et Sullam venire jubet, item L. Bellienum prae- 
torem Utica, praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis, 
quibuscum mandata Bocchi 8 cognoscit. Legatis potestas 
eundi Romam fit ab consule : inter e a induciae postula- 
bantur. 9 Ea Sullae et plerisque placuere : pauci ferocius 
decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae 
et mobiles semper in advorsa mutant. Ceterum Mauri, 
impetratis omnibus rebus, tres Romam profecti cum Cn. 
Octavio Rufo, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam porta- 
verat ; duo ad regem redeunt. Ex his Bocchus cum 
cetera, turn maxume benignitatem et 10 studium Sullae lu- 
bens accepit. Romae legatis ejus, postquam errasse 
regem et Jugurthae scelere lapsum n deprecati sunt, ami- 



72 SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 

citiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur. " Se- 
nates et populus Romanus beneficii et injuriae memor esse 
solet ; ceterum Boccho, quoniam poenitet, delicti gratiam 
facit : foedus et amicitia dabuntur, cum meruerit." 

CV. Quis rebus cognitis, Bocchus per litteras a Mario 
petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret ; 1 cujus arbitratu de 
communibus negotiis cousuleretur. Is missus cum prae- 
sidio equitum atque peditum, 2 item funditorum Balearium : 
3 praeterea sagittarii et cohors Peligna 4 cum velitaribus 
armis, itineris properandi caussa : neque his secus, atque 
aliis armis, advorsum tela hostium, quod 5 ea levia sunt, 
muniti. Sed itinere, quinto denique die, Volux, filius 
Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non 
amplius equitibus sese ostendit : qui 6 temere et effuse 
euntes, Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem 
vero, et hostilem metum emciebant. Igitur sese quisque 
7 expedire, arma atque tela 8 tentare, intendere : timor ali- 
quantus ; sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus, et advorsum 
eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites, exploratum 
praemissi, 9 rem, uti erat, quietam nunciant. 

CVI. Volux adveniens quaestorem adpellat : "se a 
patre Boccho 10 obviam illis simul, et praesidio missum." 
Deinde eum et proxumum diem sine metu conjuncti eunt. 
Post, ubi castra locata, et die vesper erat, repente Mau- 
rus 1] incerto voltu ad Sullam adcurrit : " sibi ex specula- 
toribus cognitum, Jugurtham haud procul abesse :" simul, 
uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. 
Ille 12 animo feroci negat " se toties fusum Numidam per- 
timescere : virtuti suorum satis credere : etiam si certa 
pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam proditis, quos du- 
cebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paullo morbo 
interiturae vitae parceret." Ceterum ab eodem monitus, 
uti noctu proficiscerentur, consilium adprobat : ac statim 
milites 13 coenatos esse, in castris ignis quam creberrumos 
fieri, dein u prima vigilia silentio egredi jubet. Jamque 
nocturno itinere fessis omnibus, Sulla pariter cum ortu 
solis castra metabatur, cum equites Mauri nunciant, * Ju- 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 73 

gurtham circiter duum millium intervallo 1 ante consedisse." 
Quod postquam auditum, turn vero ingens metus nostros 
invadit : credere, proditos a Yoluce, et insidiis circum- 
ventos. Ac fuere, qui dicerent, 2 manu vindicandum, ne- 
que apud ilium tantum scelus inultum relinquendum. 

CVII. At Sulla, quanquam eadem aestumabat, tamen 
ab injuria Maurum 3 prohibet : suos hortatur, " uti fortem 
animum gererent : saepe antea paucis strenuis advorsum 
multitudinera bene pugnatum : quanto sibi in praelio 
minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore : nee quemquam 
decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis pedibus auxilium 
petere, in maxumo metu 4 nudum et caecum corpus ad 
hostis vortere." Deinde Yolucem, 5 quoniam hostilia fa- 
ceret, maxumum Jovem obtestatus, ut sceleris atque per- 
fidiae Bocchi testis adesset, castris abire jubet. Ille lacru- 
mans orare, " ne ea crederet : nihil dolo factum, magis cal- 
liditate Jugurthae, cui speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. 
6 Ceterum, quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet, 
et spes opesque ejus ex patre suo penderent, ilium nihil 
palam ausurum, cum ipse filius testis adesset : quare 
optumum factum videri, 7 per media ejus castra palam 
transire : sese, vel praemissis, vel ibidem relictis Mauris, 
solum cum Sulla iturum." Ea res, ut in tali negotio, pro- 
bata, ac statim profecti : quia de improviso 8 acciderant, 
dubio atque haesitante Jugurtha, incolumes transeunt. 
Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum. 

CVIIL Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam, Aspar 
nomine, multum et familiariter agebat : praemissus ab Ju- 
gurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, 9 orator, et 
subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia : praeterea Dabar, 
Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno 
genere impar ; pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat ; Mauro 
ob ingenii multa bona cams acceptlisque, 10 quem Bocchus, 
fidum multis antea tempestatibus expertus, illico ad Sul- 
lam nunciatum mittit, " paratum sese facere, quae populus 
Romanus vellet : colloquio diem, locum, tempus ipse 
dilegeret : lx consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere : 

9 



74 SALLtJSTII JUGURTHA. 

1 neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quin res communis 
licentius gereretur ; 2 nam ab insidiis ejus aliter caveri 
nequivisse." Sed ego comperior, Bocchum magis 3 Punica 
fide, quam ob quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numi- 
dam spe pacis 4 adtinuisse, multumque cum animo suo vol- 
vere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis, an illi Sullam traderet : 
5 lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse. 

CIX. Igitur Sulla respondit : " pauca se coram Aspare 
locuturum ; cetera occulte, aut nullo, aut quam paucissu- 
mis praesentibus :" simul edocet, 6 quae responderentur. 
Postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit, " se missum a 
consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem, an bellum agi- 
taturus foret." Turn rex, uti praeceptum, post diem deci- 
mum redire jubet ; ac, nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed 
illo die responsurum : deinde ambo 7 in sua castra digressi. 
Sed, ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho 
occulte arcessitur : ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes 
adhibentur : praeterea Dabar 8 internuncius, sanctus vir et 
ex sententia ambobus. Ac statim sic rex incipit. 

CX. " Numquam ego ratus sum fore, uti rex maxumus 
in hac terra, et omnium, quos novi, opulentissumus, pri- 
vato homini gratiam deberem. Et hercle, Sulla, ante te 
cognitum, multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, 
nullius indigui. Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, 
ego laetor ; 9 fuerit mihi pretium, eguisse aliquando ami- 
citiae tuae, qua apud animum meum nihil carius habeo. 
10 Id adeo experiri licet : arma, viros, pecuniam, postremo 
quidquid animo lubet, sume, utere : et, quoad vives, num- 
quam redditam gratiam putaveris ; semper apud me l In- 
tegra erit : denique nihil, me sciente, frustra voles. 
Nam, ut ego aestumo, regem armis, quam muniricentia 
vinci, minus rlagitiosum. Ceterum de re publica vestra, 
12 cujus curator hue missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego 
populo Romano neque feci, neque factum umquam volui : 
finis meos advorsum armatos armis 13 tutus sum. Id 
omitto, quando vobis ita placet : gerite, uti voltis, cum 
Jugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Mulucham, quod inter 



SALLUSTII JUGURTHA. 75 

me et Micipsam fuit, non 1 egrediar, neque Jugurtham id 
intrare sinam. Praeterea, si quid meque vobisque dignum 
petiveris, haud repulsus abibis." 

CXI. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice ; de pace 
et de communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi 
patefacit, 2 quod polli^eatur, senatum et populum Roma- 
num, quoniam amplius armis valuissent, non in gratiam 
habituros : faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis, quam 
sua, retulisse videretur : 3 id adeo in promtu esse, quo- 
niam Jugurthae copiam haberet : quern si Romanis tradi- 
disset, fore, uti illi plurimum deberetur ; amicitiam, foedus, 
Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, ultro adventuram. ,, 
Rex primo 4 negitare : " adiinitatem, cognationem, prae- 
terea foedus intervenisse : ad hoc metuere, ne 5 rluxa, fide 
usus, popularium animos avorteret, quis et Jugurtha carus, 
et Romani invisi erant." Denique saepius fatigatus, 
€ lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum pro- 
mittit. Ceterum 7 ad simulandam pacem, cujus Numida, 
defessus bello, avidissumus, quae utilia visa, constituunt. 
Ita composito dolo digrediuntur. 

CXII. At rex postero die Asparem, Jugurthae legatum 
adpellat : " sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, 8 posse 
conditionibus bellum poni : quamobrem regis sui senten- 
tiam exquireret." Ille laetus in castra Jugurthae venit. 
Deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus, properato itinere, post 
diem octavum redit ad Bocchum, et ei nunciat, " Jugur- 
tham cupere omnia, quae imperarentur, facere ; sed Mario 
parum confidere : saepe antea cum imperatoribus Roma- 
nis pacem 9 conventam frustra fuisse. 10 Ceterum si am- 
bobus consultum, et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut 
una ab omnibus, quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, 
ibique sibi Sullam traderet : cum talem virum in potestate 
haberet, fore, uti jussu senatus atque populi Romani foe- 
dus fieret : neque hominem nobilem, n non sua ignavia, 
sed ob rem publicam in hostium potestate, relictum iri." 

CXIII. Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem 
promisit ; ceterum 12 dolo, an vere, parum comperimus. 



76 SALLUSTII JTJGURTHA. 

Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, ut vehementes, sic mo- 
biles, saepe 1 ipsae sibi advorsae. Postea, tempore et 
loco 2 constituto, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Jugurthae 
legatum adpellare, 3 benigne habere, idem ambobus polli- 
ceri. Illi pariter laeti, ac spei bpnae pleni. Sed nocte 
ea, quae proxuma fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Mau- 
rus, 4 adhibitis amicis, ac statim immutata voluntate remo- 
tis, dicitur secum ipse multa agitavisse, 5 voltu corporis 
pariter, atque animo varius : qua re scilicet, tacente ipso, 
occulta pectoris 6 patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam 
arcessiri jubet, et ex ejus sententia Numidae insidias 
tendit. Deinde, ubi dies advenit, et ei nuneiatum est, 
Jugurtham baud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et 
7 quaestore nostro, quasi obvius honoris caussa, procedit 
in tumulum, facillumum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Nu- 
mida cum plerisque necessariis suis, inermus, 8 ut dictum, 
accedit ; ac statim, signo dato, undique simul ex insidiis 
invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati : Jugurtha Sullae vinctus 
traditur, et ab eo 9 ad Marium deductus. 

CXIV. Per idem tempus advorsum 10 Gallos ab duci- 
bus nostris, Q. Caepione et M. Manlio, male pugnatum ; 
quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. 11 Illique et, inde 
ad nostram memoriam, Romani sic habuere ; alia omnia 
virtuti suae prona esse ; 12 cum Gallis pro salute, non 
pro gloria certare. Sed, postquam bellum in Numidia 
confectum, et 13 Jugurtham vinctum adduci Romam nun- 
eiatum est, Marius consul 14 absens factus, et ei decreta 
provincia Gallia : isque 15 Kalendis Januariis magna gloria 
consul triumphavit. 16 Ea tempestate spes atque opes civi- 
tatis in illo sitae. 



C. CRISPI 



SAL LUST II 



BELLUM CATILINARIUM, 



C. CRISPI 

S ALLUSTII 

BELLUM C AT I L I N AR I U M . 



I. 2 0mnis homines, qui sese student praestare ceteris 
animalibus, summa ope niti decet vitam 2 silentio ne trans- 
eant, veluti pecora, quae natura 3 prona, atque ventri obe- 
dientia, finxit. Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore 
sita : 4 animi imperio, corporis servitio, magis utimur : al- 
teram nobis cum dis, alteram cum belluis commune est, 
5 Quo mihi rectius videtur ingenii quam virium opibus 
gloriam quaerere ; et, quoniam vita ipsa, qua fruimur, 
brevis est, 6 memoriam nostri quam maxume longam effi-- 
cere. Nam divitiaram et formae gloria fluxa atque fragi- 
lis ; virtus clara aeternaque 7 habetur. 8 Sed diu magnum 
inter mortalis certamen fuit, vine corporis an virtute 
animi, res militaris magis procederet. Nam et prius, 
quam incipias, 9 consulto ; et, ubi consulueris, mature facto 
opus est. Ita utrumque, per se indigens, alteram alterius 
auxilio eget, 

II. Igitur initio reges (nam in terris nomen 10 imperii 
id primum fuit) diversi, pars ingenium, alii corpus exer- 
cebant : etiam turn vita hominum sine cupiditate agitar 
batur ; sua cuique satis placebant. Postea vero quam 
in Asia 11 Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses 
coepere urbes atque nationes subigere, 12 lubidinem domi- 
nandi caussam belli habere, maxumam gloriam in maxumo 
imperio putare ; turn demum 13 periculo atque negotiis com- 



80 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

pertum est, in bello plurimum ingenium posse, x Quod si 
regum atque imperatorum animi virtus in pace ita, uti in 
bello, valeret, aequabilius atque constantius sese res 
humanae haberent ; neque 2 aliud alio ferri, neque mutari 
ac misceri omnia cerneres. Nam imperium facile his 
artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. Verum, ubi 
3 pro labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate lubido 
atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus im- 
mutatur. Ita imperium semper ad 4 optumum quemque a 
minus bono transfertur. Quae homines arant, navigant, 
aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Sed multi mortales, 
dediti ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam, sicuti 
5 peregrinantes, transegere ; 6 quibus, profecto contra naturam, 
corpus voluptati, anima oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam 
mortemque juxta aestumo, quoniam de utraque siletur. 
Verum enim vero is demum mihi vivere atque 7 frui anima 
videtur, qui, aliquo negotio intentus, praeclari facinoris, 
aut artis bonae famam quaerit. Sed, 8 in magna copia 
rerum, aliud alii natura iter ostendit. * 

III. Pulchrum est bene facere reipublicae : etiam 9 bene 
dicere haud absurdum est. Vel pace, vel bello, clarum 
fieri licet; 10 et qui fecere, et qui facta aliorum scripsere r 
multi laudantur. Ac mihi quidem, tamen etsi haud- 
quaquam par gloria sequatur scriptorem et 11 auctorem 
rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scri- 
bere : primum, quod facta dictis sunt exaequanda : de- 
hinc, quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malivo- 
lentia et invidia 12 putant : 13 ubi de magna virtute et gloria 
bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, 
aequo animo accipit ; 14 supra ea, veluti ficta, pro falsis 
ducit. Sed ego adolescentulus, initio, sicuti plerique, 
15 studio ad rempublicam latus sum ; ibique mihi advorsa 
multa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro vir- 
tute, audacia, largitio, avaritia, vigebant. Quae tametsi 
animus aspernabatur, insolens malarum artium ; tamen, 
inter tanta vitia, imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tene- 
batur : ac me, cum ab 16 reliquorum malis moribus dissen- 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 81 

tirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido eadem, quae ceteros, 
fama atque invidia vexabat. 

IV. Igitur, ubi animus 2 ex multis miseriis atque peri- 
eulis requievit, et mihi reliquam aetatem a republica pro- 
cul habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium, secordia atque 
desidia 2 bonum otium conterere ; neque vero agrum co- 
lendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum, aetatem 
agere : sed, a quo incepto 3 studio me ambitio mala deti- 
nuerat, eodem regressus, statui res gestas populi Romani 
4 carptim, ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscri- 
bere : eo magis, quod mihi a spe, metu, 5 partibus reipubli- 
cae animus liber erat. Igitur de Catilinae conjuratione, 
quam verissume potero, 6 paucis absolvam : nam id facinus 
in primis ego memorabile existumo, sceleris atque periculi 
novitate. De cujus hominis moribus pauca prius expla- 
nanda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam. 

V. Lucius Catilina, 7 nobili genere natus, magna vi 
et animi et corporis, 8 sed ingenio malo pravoque. Huic 
ab adolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia 
civilis, grata fuere ; 9 ibique juventutem suam exercuit. 
Corpus 10 patiens inediae, vigiliae, algoris, supra quam 
cuique credibile est : animus audax, subdolus, n varius, 
cujus rei libet 12 simulator ac dissimulator : alieni appe- 
tens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus : 13 satis loquen- 
tiae, sapientiae parum. u Vastus animus immoderata, 
incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc, ]5 post 
dominationem 16 Lucii Sullae, lubido maxuma invaserat 
17 reipublicae capiundae ; neque id quibus modis adseque- 
retur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat. 
18 Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox, inopia 
rei familiaris, et conscientia scelerum ; quae utraque his 
artibus auxerat, quas supra memoravi. Incitabant prae- 
terea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessuma ac diversa 
inter se mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant. 19 Res 
ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus civitatis tempus 
admonuit, supra repetere, ac, paucis, instituta majorum 
domi militiaeque ; quomodo rempublicam habuerint, quan- 



82 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

tamque reliquerint ; ut, paullatim immutata, ex pulcher- 
ruma, pessuma ac flagitiosissuma facta sit, disserere. 

VI. Urbem Romam, 1 sicuti ego accepi, condidere 
atque habuere initio 2 Trojani, qui, Aenea duce, profugi, 
sedibus incertis vagabantur ; cumque his 3 Aborigines, 
genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, 4 sine imperio, libe- 
rum atque solutum. Hi postquam in una moenia conve- 
nere, 5 dispari genere, dissimili lingua, alius alio more 
viventes ; incredibile memoratu est quam facile coalue- 
rint. Sed, postquam 6 res eorum civibus, moribus, agris 
aucta, satis prospera, satisque pollens videbatur ; sicuti 
pleraque mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est. 
Igitur reges populique finitimi bello 7 tentare : pauci ex 
amicis auxilio esse ; nam ceteri, metu 8 perculsi, a pe- 
riculis aberant. At Romani, domi militiaeque intenti, 
festinare, parare, alius alium hortari ; hostibus obviam ire ; 
libertatem, patriam parentesque armis tegere : post, ubi 
pericula virtute propulerant, sociis atque amicis auxilia 
portabant ; magisque dandis quam accipiundis beneficiis, 
amicitias parabant. 9 Imperium legitimum, nomen imperii 
regium habebant : delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum, 
ingenium sapientia validum, reipublicae consultabant : hi, 
10 vel aetate, vel curae similitudine, Patres appellabantur. 
Post, ubi regium imperium, quod, initio, 11 conservandae 
libertatis, atque augendae reipublicae fuerat, in superbiam 
12 dominationemque 13 convertit ; immutato more, annua 
imperia, binosque imperatores sibi fecere : eo modo 
minume posse putabant per licentiam 14 insolescere animum 
humanum. 

VII. 15 Sed ea tempestate 16 coepere se quisque extol- 
lere, magisque ingenium in promtu habere. Nam regi- 
bus boni, quam mali, suspectiores sunt, semperque his 
aliena virtus formidolosa est. Sed civitas, incredibile 
memoratu est, 17 adepta libertate, quantum brevi creverit : 
tanta cupido gloriae incesserat. Jam primum juventus, 
18 simul laboris ac belli patiens erat, in castris 19 per usum 
militiam discebat : magisque in decoris armis et militari- 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 83 

bus equis, quam in scortis atque conviviis, lubidinem 
habebant. Igitur talibus viris non 1 labos insolitus, non 
locus ullus asper, aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis 
formidolosus : virtus omnia domuerat. Sed gloriae maxu- 
mum certamen inter ipsos erat : 2 sese quisque hostem 
ferire, murum adscendere, conspici dum tale facinus 
faceret, properabat : 3 eas divitias, earn bonam famam 
magnamque nobilitatem putabant : laudis avidi, pecuniae 
liberales erant : gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas vole- 
bant. Memorare possem, quibus in locis maxumas nos- 
trum copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas 
urbes, natura munitas, pugnando ceperit, 4 ni ea res lon- 
gius ab incepto traheret. 

VIII. Sed profecto For tun a in omni re dominatur ; ea 
5 res cunctas, ex lubidine magis quam ex vero, celebrat 
obscuratque. Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestu- 
mo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere ; verum aliquanto 
minores tamen, quam fama feruntur. Sed, quia provenere 
ibi 6 scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Athe- 
niensium facta pro maxumis celebrantur. Ita eorum qui 
fecere virtus tanta habetur, quantum verbis 7 eam potuere 
extollere praeclara ingenia. At populo Romano nunquam 
ea copia fuit : quia 8 prudentissumus quisque negotiosus 
maxume erat ; ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat ; 
9 optumus quisque facere, quam dicere ; sua ab aliis bene- 
facta laudari, quam ipse aliorum narrare, malebat. 

IX. 10 Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur ; 
concordia maxuma, minuma avaritia erat ; jus bonumque 
apud eos, non legibus magis quam natura, valebat. Jur- 
gia, discordias, simultates, cum hostibus exercebant : 
cives cum civibus de virtute certabant : n in suppliciis 
deorum magnifici, domi parci, in amicos rideles erant. 
Duabus bis artibus, audacia in bello, 12 ubi pax evenerat, 
aequitate, seque remque publicam curabant. Quarum 
rerum ego maxuma documenta haec habeo ; 13 quod sae- 
pius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem 
pugnaverant, quique tardius, revocati, bello excesserant, 



84 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

quam qui signa relinquere, aut, pulsi, loco cedere ausi 
erant ; in pace.vero, quod beneficiis, quam metu, ^mpe- 
rium agitabant, et, accepta injuria, ignoscere, quam per- 
sequi, malebant. 

X. Sed, ubi 2 labore atque justitia respublica crevit, 
3 reges magni belio domiti. nationes ferae, et populi 
ingentes vi subacti, 4 Carthago, aemula imperii Romani, 
ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant ; saevire 
Fortuna, ac miscere omnia, coepit. Qui labores, pericula, 
dubias atque asperas res facile toleraverant, iis otium, 
divitiae 5 optandae aliis, oneri rniseriaeque fuere. Igitur 
primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido crevit : ea quasi 
6 materies omnium malorum fuere. Namque avaritia fidem, 
probitatem, ceterasque artis bonas subvertit ; pro his, 
superbiam, crudelitatem, deos neglegere, omnia venalia 
habere, edocuit : ambitio multos mortalis 7 falsos fieri 
subegit ; aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua prom- 
tum habere ; amicitias inimicitiasque, non 8 ex re, sed 
ex commodo, aestumare ; magisque vultum, quam inge- 
nium bonum habere. Haec primo paullatim crescere, 
interdum 9 vindicari : 10 post, ubi, contagio quasi, pestilentia 
invasit, civitas immutata ; imperium, ex justissumo atque 
optumo, crudele intolerandumque factum. 

XI. Sed primo magis ambitio, quam avaritia, animos 
hominum exercebat : quod tamen vitium 11 propius virtu- 
tem erat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium, 12 bonus, 
ignavus, aeque sibi exoptant : sed ille vera via nititur ; 
huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis con- 
tendit. Avaritia pecuniae 13 studium habet, quam nemo 
sapiens concupivit : ea, quasi 14 venenis malis imbuta, 
corpus animumque virilem efTeminat : semper infinita, 
insatiabilis, 15 neque copia, neque inopia, minuitur. Sed, 
postquam L, Sulla, armis 16 rccepta republica, ex bonis 
initiis malos eventus habuit ; rapere omnes, trahere, 
domum alius, alius agros cupere ; 17 neque modum, neque 
modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civibus 
facinora facere. Hue accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum, 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 85 

quern in Asia ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret, contra 
morem majorum, luxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat ; 
loca 1 amoena, voluptaria, facile in otio ferocis militum 
animos molliverant. Ibi primum insuevit exercitus populi 
Romani amare, potare ; signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata 
mirari ; ea 2 privatim ac publice rapere ; delubra spoliare ; 
sacra profanaque omnia polluere. Igitur hi milites, post- 
quam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere. 
Quippe secundae res sapientium animos 3 fatigant : ne illi, 
corruptis moribus, victoriae temperarent. 

XII. Postquam divitiae honori coepere, et eas gloria, 
imperium, potentia sequebatur ; hebescere virtus, pau- 
pertas probro haberi, 4 innocentia pro malivolentia duci 
coepit. Igitur, ex divitiis, juventutem luxuria atque ava- 
ritia, cum superbia, invasere : 5 rapere, consumere ; sua 
parvi pendere, aliena cupere ; 6 pudorem, pudicitiam, di- 
vina atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi atque moderati 
habere. Operae pretium est, quum domos atque villas 
cognoveris in urbium modum exaedificatas, visere templa 
deorum, quae nostri majores, religiosissumi mortales, 
fecere. 7 Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos sua 
gloria decorabant ; neque victis quidquam, 8 praeter inju- 
riae licentiam, eripiebant. At hi contra, ignavissumi 
homines, per summum scelus, omnia ea sociis adimere, 
quae fortissumi viri 9 victores reliquerant : proinde quasi 
injuriam facere, id demum esset imperio uti. 

XIII. Nam quid ea memorem, quae, nisi iis qui videre, 
nemini credibilia sunt : a privatis compluribus subversos 
montes, maria 10 constructa esse : quibus mihi videntur 
ludibrio fuisse divitiae ; quippe, quas honeste habere 
licebat, abuti per n turpidinem properabant. Sed lubido 
ganeae, ceterique 12 cultus, non minor incesserat : vescendi 
caussa, terra marique omnia exquirere ; dormire prius, 
quam somni cupido esset ; non famem, aut sitim neque 
frigus, neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia 13 luxu 
antecapere. Haec juventutem, ubi familiares opes 
defecerant, ad facinora incendebant. u Animus imbutus 

10 



86 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

malis artibus haud facile lubidinibus carebat : eo pro- 
fusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumtui deditus erat. 

XIV. x In tanta tamque corrupta civitate, Catilina, id 
quod factu facillumum erat, omnium 2 flagitiorum atque 
facinorum circum se, tamquam stipatorum, catervas habe- 
bat. Nam, quicumque impudicus, adulter, bona patria 
laceraverat ; quique alienum aes grande conrlaverat, 3 quo 
flagitium aut facinus redimeret ; praeterea, omnes undi- 
que parricidae, sacrilegi, 4 convicti judiciis, aut pro factis 
judicium timentes ; ad hoc, 5 quos manus atque lingua per- 
jurio aut sanguine civili alebat ; postremo, omnes quos 
flagitium, egestas, conscius animus exagitabat ; ii Catili- 
nae 6 proxumi familiaresque erant. Quod si quis etiam a 
culpa vacuus in amicitiam ejus 7 inciderat, quotidiano usu 
atque illecebris facile 8 par similisque ceteris efficiebatur. 
Sed maxume adolescentium familiaritates adpetebat : 
eorum animi molles et 9 aetate fluxi, dolis haud difficulter 
capiebantur. Nam, uti cujusque studium ex aetate flagra- 
bat, aliis scorta praebere ; aliis canes atque equos mer- 
cari ; postremo, neque sumtui, neque 10 modestiae suae 
pare ere, dum illos 11 obnoxios fidosque faceret. 

XV. Jam primum adolescens Catilina multa nefanda 
stupra fecerat ; 12 cum virgine nobili, cum 13 sacerdote Ves- 
tae, alia hujuscemodi contra 14 jus fasque. Postremo. 
captus amore 15 Aureliae Orestillae, cujus, praeter formam, 
nihil unquam bonus laudavit ; quod ea 16 nubere illi dubi- 
tabat, timens 17 privignum adulta aetate ; pro certo credi- 
tur, 18 necato filio, 19 vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis 
fecisse. Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur caussa 
fuisse facinoris maturandi. Namque animus impurus, 
20 dis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis, neque quieti- 
bus sedari poterat ; 21 ita conscientia mentem excitam 
vastabat. Igitur 22 colos exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus 
modo, modo tardus incessus ; prorsus in facie vultuque 
vecordia in erat. 

XVI. 23 Sed juventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, 
illexerat, multis modis mala facinora edocebat. Ex illis 



SALLUSTII CATILIXA. 87 

testes ^ignatoresque falsos commodare ; 2 fidem, fortunas, 
pericula vilia habere ; post, 3 ubi eorum famam atque pu- 
dorem attriverat, majora alia imperabat : si caussa pec- 
candi in praesens minus suppetebat ; nihilo minus 4 inson- 
tes, sicuti sontes, circumvenire, jugulare : scilicet, ne per 
otium torpescerent 5 manus aut animus, gratuito potius 
malus atque crudelis erat. His amicis sociisque confisus 
Catilina, simul 6 quod aes alienum per omnis terras ingens 
erat, et quod plerique Sullani milites, largius suo usi, 
7 rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores, civile bellum 
exoptabant ; opprimundae reipublicae consilium cepit. 
In Italia nullus exercitus : Cn. Pompeius in extremis 
8 terris bellum gerebat : ipsi 9 consulatum petundi magna 
spes : 10 senatus nihil sane intentus : tutae tranquillaeque 
res omnes : sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae. 

XVII. Igitur circiter 1] Kalendas Junias, 12 L. Caesare 
et C. Figulo consulibus, primo singulos adpellare : hor- 
tari alios, alios tentare : opes suas, imparatam rempublicam, 
magna praemia conjurationis docere. Ubi satis explorata 
sunt, quae voluit, in unum omnis convocat, quibus maxu- 
ma necessitudo, et plurimum audaciae. Eo convenere, 
senatorii ordinis, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. 
Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. et Servius Sullae, 
Servii filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius 
Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius : praeterea ex equestri 
ordine, M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius 
Capito, C. Cornelius : ad hoc multi ex 13 coloniis et mu- 
nicipiis, 14 domi nobiles. Erant praeterea complures paullo 
occultius consilii hujusce participes 15 nobiles, quos magis 
dominationis spes hortabatur, quam inopia, aut alia neces- 
situdo. Ceterum juventus pleraque, sed maxume no- 
bilium, Catilinae inceptis favebat. Quibus in otio vel 
magnifice, vel molliter 16 vivere copia erat, incerta pro 
certis, bellum, quam pacem, malebant. Fuere item ea 
tempestate, qui crederent 17 M. Licinium Crassum non 
ignarum ejus consilii fuisse ; quia Cn. Pompeius, invisus 
ipsi, magnum exercitum ductabat, cujusvis opes voluisse 



88 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

contra illius potentiam crescere ; simul confisum, si con- 
juratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore. 

XVIII. Sed x antea item conjuravere pauci contra rem- 
publicam, in quibus Catilina ; de qua, quam verissume 
potero, dicam. 2 L. Tullo, M. Lepido consulibus, P. Au- 
tronius et P. Sulla, 3 legibus ambitus interrogati, 4 poenas 
dederant. Post paullo Catilina, 5 pecuniarum repetun- 
darum reus, probibitus erat consulatum petere, 6 quod 
intra legitimos dies profited nequiverit. Erat eodem 
tempore 7 Cn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, 
egens, factiosus, quern ad perturbandum rempublicam ino- 
pia atque mali mores stimulabant. Cum hoc, Catilina et 
8 Autronius, consilio communicato, parabant in 9 Capitolio, 
10 Kalendis Januariis, n L. Cottam et L. Torquatum con- 
sules interficere ; 12 ipsi, 13 fascibus correptis, Pisonem cum 
exercitu ad obtinendas duas 14 Hispanias mittere. 15 Ea re 
cognita, rursus in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis 
transtulerant. Jam turn non consulibus modo, sed pie- 
risque senatoribus perniciem machinabantur. 16 Quod ni 
Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die, 
post conditam urbem Romanam, pessumum facinus patra- 
tum foret. Quia nondum frequentes armati convenerant, 
ea res 17 consilium diremit. 

XIX. Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam 18 quaestor 
pro praetore missus est, adnitente Crasso, quod eum 
19 infestum inimicum 20 Cn. Pompeio cognoverat. Neque 
tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat : quippe foedum 
hominem a republica procul 21 esse volebat : simul, quia 
boni 22 quam plures praesidium in eo putabant : et jam 
turn potentia Cn. Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso, 
23 in provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu 
ductabat, iter faciens occisus est. 24 Sunt qui ita dicant, 
imperia ejus injusta, superba, crudelia, barbaros nequi- 
visse pati : alii autem, equites illos, 25 Cn. Pompeii 
veteres fidosque clientes, voluntate ejus Pisonem 26 adgres- 
sos ; numquam Hispanos 27 praeterea tale facinus fecisse, 
sed imperia saeva multa antea perpessos. Nos earn 



SA1LUSTII CATILINA. 89 

rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore conjuratione 
satis dictum. 

XX. Catilixa ubi eos, quos paullo ante memoravi, 
convenisse videt ; tametsi cum singulis multa saepe 
egerat, tamen Hm rem fore credens universos adpellare 
et cohortari, in abditam partem 2 aedium secedit ; atque 
ibi, omnibus 3 arbitris procul amotis, orationem hujusce- 
modi habuit. u Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi 
forent, nequidquam opportuna res cecidisset ; spes magna, 
dominatio, in manibus frustra fuissent : 4 neque ego per 
ignaviam, aut vana ingenia, incerta pro certis captarem. 
Sed, quia multis et magnis 5 tempestatibus vos cognovi 
fortes fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus maxumum atque 
pulcherrumum facinus incipere : simul, 6 quia vobis eadem, 
quae mihi, bona malaque intellexi ; 7 nam idem velle 
atque nolle, ea demum rlrma amicitia est. Sed, ego 
quae mente agitavi, omnes jam antea 8 diversi audistis. 
Ceterum milii in dies magis animus accenditur, cum con- 
sidero, quae conditio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi 
vindicamus in libertatem. Nam, postquam respublica in 
paucorum jus atque ditionem ^concessit, semper illis 
reges, 10 tetrarchae n vectigales esse ; 12 populi, nationes 
stipendia pendere ; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles 
atque ignobiles, vulgus fuimus, sine gratia, sine auctori- 
tate, 1;:i his obnoxii, quibus, si respublica valeret, formidini 
essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae 
apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt : 14 repulsas nobis reli- 
quere, pericula, judicia, egestatem. Quae quousque tan- 
dem patiemini, ibrtissumi viri ? Nonne emori per rirtn* 
tern praestat, quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi 
alienae superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere 1 
15 Verum enim vero, pro deum atque hominum fidem ! 
-victoria nobis in manu : 16 viget aetas, animus valet : 
contra illis, annis atque divitiis, omnia consenuerunt. 
Tantum modo incepto opus est : 1T cetera res expediet. 
Etenim quis mortalium, cui virile ingenium, tolerare potest, 
illis divitias superare, quas profundant 18 in extruendo 

10* 



90 * SALLTJSTII CATILINA. 

mari et montibus coaequandis ; nobis rem familiarem 
etiam ad necessaria deesse ? 1 illos binas, aut amplius, 
domos continuare ; nobis 2 larem familiarem nusquam ullum 
esse ? Cum tahulas, signa, 3 toreumata emunt ; 4 nova 
diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam 
5 trahunt, vexant : tamen 6 summa lubidine divitias vine ere 
nequeunt. At nobis domi inopia, foris aes alienum ; 
7 mala res, spes multo asperior : denique, quid reliqui 
habemus, praeter miseram animam ? Quin igitur exper- 
giscimini 1 En ilia, ilia, quam saepe optastis, libertas, 
praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria, in oculis sita sunt ! for- 
tuna omnia victoribus praemia posuit. Res, tempus, 
pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis, quam ora- 
tio, hortentur. Vel imperatore, vel milite me utimini : 
neque animus, neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec ipsa, 
ut spero, vobiscum consul agam ; nisi forte animus fallit, 
et vos servire, quam imperare, parati estis." 

XXI. Postquam accepere ea homines, 8 quibus mala 
abunde omnia erant, sed neque res, neque spes bona 
ulla ; tamen etsi illis 9 quieta movere, magna merces 
videbatur, tamen postulare plerique, uti proponeret, 10 quae 
conditio belli foret ; quae praemia armis peterent ; n quid 
ubique opis aut spei haberent. Turn Catilina polliceri 
12 tabulas novas, 13 proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, 
sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia quae 14 bellum atque lubido 
victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Piso- 
nem, in Mauritania cum exercitu 15 P. Sittium Nucerinum, 
consilii sui participes : petere consulatum 16 C. Antonium, 
quern sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem, 
et 17 omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum : 18 cum eo 
consulem initium agendi facturum. Ad hoc, 19 maledictis 
increpat omnis bonos : suorum unumquemque nominans 
laudare : admonebat alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis 
suae, complures periculi aut ignominiae, multos victoriae 
Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat. Postquam omnium 
animos alacris videt ; cohortatus, ut 20 petitionem suam 
curae haberent, conventum dimisit. 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 91 

XXII. Fuere ea tempestate, qui dicerent, Catilinam, 
oratione habita, cum ad jusjurandum popularis sceleris 
sui adigeret, 1 humani corporis sanguinem, vino permix- 
tum, in pateris circumtulisse ; 2 inde cum post exsecra- 
tionem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in solemnibus sacris 
fieri consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum, 3 atque eo, dicti- 
tare, fecisse, quo inter se fidi magis forent, 4 alius alii 
tanti facinoris conscii. Nonnulli flcta haec, multa prae- 
terea, existumabant, ab iis, qui 5 Ciceronis invidiam, quae 
postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, 
qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res 6 pro magnitudine 
parum comperta est. 

XXIII. Sed in ea conventione fuit Q. Curius, natus 
baud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus ; 
quern censores senatu, probri gratia, : amoverant. Huic 
homini non minor 8 vanitas, quam audacia : neque reti- 
cere, quae audierat, neque suamet ipse scelera occultare : 
9 prorsus neque dicere, neque facere, quidquam pensi ha- 
bebat. Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, 10 vetus con- 
suetudo : cui cum minus gratus esset, quia inopia minus 
largiri poterat, repente glorians n maria montesque polli- 
ceri coepit ; minari interdum ferro, nisi 12 obnoxia foret ; 
postremo ferocius agitare, quam solitus erat. At Fulvia, 
13 insolentiae Curii caussa cognita, tale periculum reipub- 
licae haud occultum habuit ; sed, u sublato auctore, de 
Catilinae conjuratione quae quoque modo audierat, com- 
pluribus narravit. Ea res imprimis studia hominum ac- 
cendit ad consulatum mandandum 15 M. Tullio Ciceroni. 
Namque antea 16 pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat, et 
quasi pollui consulatum 17 credebant, si eum, quamvis 
egTegius, 18 homo novus adeptus foret. Sed, ubi periculum 
advenit, invidia atque superbia 19 postfuere. 

XXIY. Igitur, comitiis liabitis, consules declarantur 
M. Tullius et C. Antonius ; quod factum primo 20 popularis 
conjurationis concusserat. Neque tamen Catilinae furor 
minuebatur : sed in dies plura agitare ; arma per Italiam 
locis opportunis parare ; pecmiiam, sua aut amicorum 



92 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

fide 1 sumtam mutuam, Faesulas ad 2 Manlium quemdam 
portare, qui postea 3 princeps fuit belli faciundi. Ea tem- 
pestate plurimos cujusque generis homines 4 adscivisse 
dicitur : mulieres etiam aliquot, 5 quae, ubi aetas tantem- 
modo quaestui, neque luxuriae, modum fecerat, aes 
alienum grande conflaverant : per eas se Catilina crede- 
bat posse 6 servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, 
viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interflcere. 

XXV. Sed in his erat 7 Sempronia, quae multa saepe 
8 virilis audaciae facinora commiserat. Haec mulier 
genere atque forma, praeterea 9 viro, liberis satis fortu- 
nata ; litteris Graecis atque Latinis docta ; 10 psallere, sal- 
tare n elegantius, quam necesse est probae ; multa alia, 
quae 12 instrumenta luxuriae. Sed ei cariora semper 
omnia, quam decus atque pudicitia fuit : pecuniae an 
famae minus parceret, haud facile decerneres. Sed ea 
saepe antehac fldem prodiderat, 13 creditum abjuraverat, 
caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps abie- 
rat. 14 Verum ingenium ejus haud absurdum : posse ver- 
sus facere, jocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto, vel 
molli, vel procaci : prorsus multae 15 facetiae multusque 
lepos inerat. 

XXVI. His rebus comparatis, Catilina nihilo minus in 
proxumum annum consulatum petebat ; sperans, si ^de- 
signates foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. 
Neque inter ea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias 
parabat Ciceroni. Neque illi tamen ad cavendum 17 dolus, 
aut astutiae deer ant. Namque, a principio consulates sui, 
multa 18 pollicendo per Fulviam, efTecerat, ut Q. Curius, 
de quo paullo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae sibi 
proderet. Ad hoc, collegam suum Antonium 19 pac- 
tione provinciae perpulerat, 20 ne contra rempublicam 
sentiret ; circum se praesidia amicorum atque 21 clientium 
occulte habebat. Postquam dies 22 comitiorum venit, 
et Catilinae neque petitio, neque insidiae quas 
23 consulibus in campo fecerat, prospere cessere ; 
constituit bellum facere, et extrema omnia experiri, 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 93 

quoniam quae occulte tentaverat, 1 aspera foedaque eve- 
nerant. 

XXVII. Igitur C. Manlium Faesulas atque in earn 
partem Etruriae, Septimium quemdam, Camertem, in 
agrum Picenum, 2 C. Julium in Apuliam dimisit ; prae- 
terea alium alio, 3 qnem ubique opportunum credebat. In- 
ter ea Romae multa simul moliri : consuli insidias tendere, 
parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus 4 obsi- 
dere : ipse 5 cum telo esse, 6 item alios jubere : hortari, 
uti semper intenti paratique essent : dies noctesque 7 fes- 
tinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari. 
Postremo, ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus 8 intem- 
pesta nocte conjurationis principes convocat per 9 M. 
Porcium Laecam : ibique, multa de ignavia eorum ques- 
tus, docet, " se Manlium praemisisse ad earn multitudinem, 
quam ad capiunda arma paraverat ; item alios in alia 
loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent ; seque ad exer- 
citum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset : 
eum suis consiliis multum obficere." 

XXV HI. Igitur, perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, 
10 C. Cornelius, eques Romanus, operam suam pollicitus, 
et cum eo L. Vargunteius, senator, constituere n ea nocte 
paullo post, cum armatis hominibus, 12 sicuti salutatum, 
introire ad Ciceronem, ac de improviso domi suae im- 
paratum confodere. Curius, ubi 13 intellegit quantum 
periculi consuli impendeat, propere per Fulviam, dolum 
qui parabatur enunciat. Ita illi, janua prohibiti, tantum 
facinus frustra susceperant. Interea Manlius in Etruria 
plebem sollicitare, egestate simul, ac dolore injuriae, 
novarum rerum cupidam, quod, Sullae dominatione, agros 
bonaque omnia amiserat ; praeterea 14 latrones cujusque 
generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat ; nonnul- 
los ex 15 Sullanis colonis, quibus lubido atque luxuria ex 
magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant. 

XXIX. Ea cum Ciceroni nunciarentur, 16 ancipiti malo 
permotus, quod neque urbem ab insidiis 17 privato consilio 
longius tueri poterat, neque exercitus Manlii quantus, aut 



94 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

quo consilio foret, satis compertum habebat, a rem ad 
senatum refert, jam antea 2 volgi rumoribus exagitatam. 
Itaque, quod plerumque 3 in atroci negotio solet, senatus 
decrevit, darent operam consules, ne quid respubli- 
ca detrimenti caperet. 4 Ea potestas per senatum, 
more Romano, magistratui maxuma permittitur ; exercitum 
parare, bellum gerere, coercere omnibus modis socios 
atque civis ; domi militiaeque 5 imperium atque judicium 
sumraum habere : aliter, sine populi jussu, 6 nulli earum 
rerum consuli jus est. 

XXX. Post paucos dies, L. Saenius, senator, in senatu 
litteras 7 recitavit, quas Faesulis adlatas sibi dicebat ; in 
quibus scriptum erat, C. Manlium arma cepisse, cum 
magna multitudine, 8 ante diem sextum Kalendas Novem- 
bris. Simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque 
prodigia nunciabant ; alii conventus 9 fieri, arma portari, 
Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri. Igitur, 
senati decreto, 10 Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus 
Creticus in Apuliam n circumque loca, missi : ii utrique 
12 ad urbem imperatores erant ; impediti, ne triumpharent, 
13 calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inho- 
nesta vendere mos erat. u Sed praetores, Q. Pompeius 
Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum ; 
iisque 15 permissum, " uti 16 pro tempore atque periculo 
exercitum compararent." Ad hoc, " si quis indicavisset 
de conjuratione, quae contra rem publicam facta erat, 
praemium servo libertatem et 17 sestertia centum ; libero 
impunitatem ejus rei, et sestertia ducenta ;" itemque, "uti 
18 gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia 
distribuerentur, pro cujusque opibus : Romae per totam 
urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque ]9 minores magistrates 
preesent." 

XXXI. Quibus rebus permota civitas, atque immutata 
urbis facies : ex summa laetitia atque 20 lascivia, quae 
21 diuturna quies pepererat, repente omnis tristitia invasit : 
festinare, trepidare ; neque loco, nee homini cuiquam satis 
credere ; neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere ; suo 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 95 

quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc, mulieres, quibus, 
reipublicae magnitudine, belli timor insolitus, 1 adflictare 
sese ; manus supplices ad coelum tendere ; miserari 
parvos liberos ; 2 rogitare ; omnia pavere ; superbia atque 
deliciis omissis, sibi patriaeque diffidere. At Catilinae 
crudelis animus eadem ilia movebat, 3 tamen etsi praesidia 
parabantur, et ipse 4 lege Plautia interrogatus ab L. 
Paullo. 5 Postremo, dissimulandi caussa, atque sui ex- 
purgandi, sicuti 6 jurgio lacessitus foret, 7 in senatum venit. 
Turn M. Tullius consul, sive 8 praesentiam ejus timens, 
seu ira commotus, 9 orationem habuit luculentam atque 
utilem reipublicae ; 10 quam postea scriptam edidit. Sed, 
ubi ille 11 adsedit, Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimu- 
landa omnia, demisso voltu, voce supplici postulare, 
" Patres conscripti ne quid de se temere crederent : ea 
familia ortum, ita ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, 12 ut 
omnia bona in spe haberet : ne aestumarent, sibi patricio 
homini, 13 cujus ipsius atque majorum plurima beneiicia 
in plebem Romanam essent, perdita republica opus esse, 
cum earn servaret M. Tullius, u inquilinus civis urbis 
Romae." Ad hoc maledicta alia cum adderet, obstrepere 
omnes, hostem atque 15 parricidam vocare. Turn ille furi- 
bundus : " Quoniam quidem circumventus," inquit, " ab 
inimicis praeceps agor, 16 incendium meum ruina restin- 
guam." 

XXXII. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit ; ibi multa 
secum ipse volvens ; quod neque 17 insidiae consuli pro* 
cedebant, et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis mu- 
nitam, 18 optumum factum credens, exercitum augere, ac 
prius, quam 19 legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello 
usui forent ; 20 nocte intempesta 21 cum paucis in Manliana 
castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque Lentulo, cete- 
risque quorum cognoverat promtam audaciam, mandat, 
quibus rebus possent, opes factionis confirment, insidias 
consuli maturent, caedem, incendia, aliaque belli facinora 
parent : sese 22 prope diem cum magno exercitu ad urbem 
accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, C. Manlius 



96 SALLXJSTII CATILINA. 

l ex suo numero ad Marcium Regem mittit, 2 cum man- 
datis hujuscemodi. 

XXXIII. " Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos 
arma neque contra patriam cepisse, neque quo periculum 
3 homini facer emus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta 
forent ; qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate 
foeneratorum, 4 plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque 
fortunis, expertes sumus : neque cuiquam nostrum licuit, 
more majorum. 5 lege uti, neque, amisso patrimonio, 6 libe- 
rum corpus habere ; tanta saevitia foeneratorum atque 
7 praetoris fuit. Saepe 8 majores vestrum, miseriti plebis 
Romanae, decretis suis 9 inopiae opitulati sunt : ac novis- 
sume, memoria nostra, propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, 
volentibus omnibus bonis, 10 argentum aere solutum est. 
Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota, aut 
superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus n secessit. At 
nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum 
caussa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortalis sunt : 
sed libertatem, quam 12 nemo bonus, nisi cum anima simul, 
13 amittit. Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis mise- 
ris civibus ; legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris 
eripuit, restituatis : neve earn necessitudinem imponatis, 
ut quaeramus, u quonam modo ulti maxume sanguinem 
nostrum pereamus." 

XXXIV. Ad haec Q. 15 Marcius : " Si quid ab senatu 
petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices 
proficiscantur ; ea mansuetudine atque misericordia sena- 
tum populumque Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo urn- 
quam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit." At Catilina ex 
itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea 16 optumo cuique, 
litteras mittit : " se falsis criminibus circumventum, 
quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunae 
cedere, Massiliam in exilium proricisci ; 17 non quo sibi tanti 
sceleris conscius ; sed uti respublica quieta foret, neve 18 ex 
sua contentione seditio oriretur." Ab his longe diversas lit- 
teras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catili- 
nae redditas dicebat : 19 earum exemplum infra scriptum. 



SALLUSTII CATILIXA. 97 

XXXV. L. Catilixa l Q. Catiilo S. -Egregia tua 
fides, re cognita. gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam 
commendationi meae tribuit. 3 Quamobrem defensionem 
in novo consilio non statui parare ; satisiactionem ex 
nulla conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi, 4 quam. f me 
dius tidius. veram licet cognoscas. Injuriis contumeliis- 
que coneitatus, quod. 6 fructu laboris industriaeque meae 
privatus, "statum dignitatis non obtinebam, publicam mise- 
rorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi : non quin 

\lienum 8 meis nominibus ex possessionibus solvere 
possem, cum alienis nominibus liberalitas Orestillae, suis 
filiaeque copiis, persolveret : sed quod ^on dignos homi- 
nes honore honestatos videbarn, meque 10 falsa suspicione 
alienatum sentiebam. n Hoc nomine satis honestas, pro 
meo reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum 

secutus. Plura cum scribere vellem, nunciatum est. vim 
mihi parari. Nunc Orestillani commendo. tuaeque fidei 
trado : 12 eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos roga- 
tus. ^Haveto." 

XXXVI. Sed ipse, paucos dies commoratus apud C. 
Flaminium Flammam 14 in agro Arretino, dmn vicinitatem, 
antea sollicitatam, armis exornat, cum fascibus atque 
aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manliiun contendit, 
Haec ubi Romae compena ; senatus " Catilinam et Man- 
lium hostes judicat ; ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante 
qdam 15 sine fraude liceret ab armis discedere, 16 praeter 
rerum capitalium condemnatis/' Praeterea decernit. 
consules dilectum habeant ; Antonius cum exercitu Cati- 
linam persequi maturet ; Cicero urbi praesidio sit.'' 
Ea tempestate mihi -imperium populi Romani multo 
maxume miserabile visum : cui cum, ad occasum ab ortu 
solis, omnia domita armis paterent ; domi otium atque 
divitiae, quae prima mortales putant. aclrluerent ; fuere 
tamen cives qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis 
perditum irent. Namque, 17 duobis senati decretis, ex 
tanta multitudine. neque praemio inductus conjurationem 
patefecerat, neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium 

11 



98 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

discesserat : Hanta vis morbi, uti tabes, plerosque eivium 
animos invaserat. 

XXXVII. Neque solum illis 2 aliena mens erat, qui 
conscii conjurationis ; sed omnino cuncta plebes, novarum 
rerum studio, Catilinae incepta probabat. Id adeo more 
suo videbatur facere. Nam semper in civitate, 3 quis opes 
nullae sunt, bonis invident, malos extollunt ; Vetera odere, 
nova exoptant ; odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student ; 
4 turba atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur, quoniam 
egestas facile habetur sine damno. Sed urbana 5 plebes, 
ea vero praeceps ierat multis de caussis. 6 Primum omni- 
um, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxume praesta- 
bant ; item alii 7 per dedecora patrimoniis amissis ; pos- 
tremo omnes quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat ; 
ii Romam, 8 sicuti in sentinam, confluxerant. Deinde, 
multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod ex gregariis 
militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, uti 
9 regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, 
si in armis forent, ex victoria talia sperabant. Praeterea, 
juventus, quae in agris, manuum mercede, inopiam tole- 
raverat, 10 privatis atque publicis largitionibus excita, ur- 
banum otium ingrato labori praetulerant. Eos atque alios 
omnis malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum, 
homines egentis, ma] is moribus, maxuma spe, 11 reipub- 
licae juxta ac sibi consuluisse. Praeterea, quorum, 
victoria Sullae, parentes proscripti, bona erepta, 12 jus 
libertatis imminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli 
eventum exspectabant. Ad hoc, quicumque 13 aliarum 
atque senati partium erant, conturbari rempublicam, quam 
minus valere ipsi, malebant. u Id adeo malum multos 
post annos in civitatem reverterat. 

XXXVIII. Nam, postquam, Cn. Pompeio et M. Crasso 
consulibus, 15 tribunicia potestas restituta ; homines ado- 
lescentes, 16 summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas ani- 
musque ferox, coepere, senatum criminando, plebem 
exagitare ; dein, largiundo atque pollicitando, magis incen- 
dere ; ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 99 

ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas, 2 senati specie, pro sua 
magnitudine. Namque, uti paucis absolvam, per ilia tem- 
pora quicumque rempublicam agitavere, 2 honestis nomini- 
bus, alii, sicuti populi jura defenderent, pars, quo senati 
auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro 
sua quisque potentia certabant : 3 neque modestia, neque 
modus contentionis erat : utrique victoriam crudeliter 
exercebant. 

XXXIX. Sed, postquam Cn. Pompeius ad bellum 
4 maritimum atque 5 Mithridaticum missus ; 6 plebis opes 
imminutae ; paucorum potentia crevit. Hi magistratus, pro- 
vincias, aliaque omnia tenere ; ipsi 7 innoxii, rlorentes, 
sine metu aetatem agere ; 8 ceteros judiciis terrere, quo 
plebem in magistratu 9 placidius tractarent. Sed 10 ubi 
primum dubiis rebus novandis spes oblata, 11 vetus certa- 
men animos eorum arrexit. Quod si primo praelio Cati- 
lina superior, aut 12 aequa manu discessisset, profecto 
magna clades atque calamitas rempublicam oppressisset, 
neque illis, qui victoriam adepti, diutius ea uti licuisset, 
quin defessis et 13 exsanguibus, qui plus posset, imperium 
atque libertatem extorqueret. Fuere tamen u extra con- 
jurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio profecti 
sunt : in his 15 A. Fulvius, senatoris rllius ; quem, re- 
tractum ex itinere, 16 parens necari jussit. Isdem tem- 
poribus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praeceperat, 
quoscumque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos cre- 
debat, aut per se, aut per alios sollicitabat ; neque solum 
cives, sed cujusquemodi genus hominum, quod modo bello 
usui foret. 

XL. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti 
legatos Allobrogum requirat, eosque, si possit, impellat 
ad societatem belli ; existumans, publice privatimque aere 
alieno oppressos, praeterea, quod natura gens Gallica 
bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse. 
Umbrenus, quod in Gallia 17 negotiatus, plerisque 18 princi- 
pibus notus erat, atque eos no v erat : itaque sine mora, ubi 
primum legatos in foro conspexit, 19 percunctatus pauca 



100 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

de statu civitatis, et quasi dolens ejus casum, requirere 
coepit, " quern exitum tantis malis sperarent V Postquam 
illos Videt " queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare se- 
natum quod in eo auxilii nihil esset ; miseriis suis reme- 
dium mortem exspectare :" " at ego," inquit, " vobis, 2 si 
modo viri esse voltis, rationem ostendam, qua tanta ista 
mala effugiatis." Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maxu- 
mam spem adducti Umbrenum orare, uti sui misereretur : 
nihil tarn asperum, neque tarn difficile, 3 quin cupidissume 
facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret. 
Ille eos in domum D. Bruti perducit ; quod foro propin- 
qua, neque aliena consilii, propter Semproniam ; nam turn 
Brutus 4 ab Roma aberat. Praeterea Gabinium arcessit, 
5 quo major auctoritas sermoni inesset : eo praesente con- 
jurationem aperit ; nominat socios, praeterea multos 
cujusque generis 6 innoxios, quo legatis animus amplior 
esset ; dein eos pollicitos operam suam dimittit. 

XLI. Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam 
consilii caperent. In altera parte erat aes alienum, stu- 
dium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae : at in altera 
7 majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe, certa prae- 
mia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna rei- 
publicae. Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cujus 8 patrocinio 
civitas plurimum utebatur, rem omnem, uti cognoverant, 
aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam 9 consilio cognito, legatis 
praecipit, studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, cet- 
eros adeant, 10 bene polliceantur ; dentque operam, uti eos 
quam maxume manifestos habeant. 

XLII. Isdem fere temporibus in 11 Gallia citeriore 
atque ulteriore, item in agro Piceno, Bruttio, Apuha, 
motus erat. Namque illi, quos antea Catilina dimiserat, 
inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam 12 cuncta simul 
agere : nocturnis consiliis, armorum atque telorum 
portationibus, 13 festinando, agitando omnia, plus timo- 
ris quam periculi effecerant. Ex eo numero com- 
plures Q. Metellus Celer praetor, ex senati con- 
sulto, caussa cognita, in vincula conjecerat ; item in 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 101 

ulteriore Gallia l C. Murena, qui ei provinciae 2 lega- 
tus praeerat. 

XLIII. At Romae Lentulus, cum ceteris, qui prin- 
cipes conjurationis erant, paratis, ut 3 videbantur, magnis 
copiis, 4 constituerant, uti, Catilina in agrum Faesulanum 
cum venisset, L. Bestia tribunus plebis, concione habita, 
quereretur de 5 actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissumi 
6 invidiam optumo consuli imponeret ; eo signo, 7 proxuma 
nocte, cetera multitudo conjurationis suum quisque nego- 
tium exsequerentur. Sed ea divisa hoc modo diceban- 
tur : Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu R duodecim 
simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tiunultu 
facilior aditus ad consulem, ceterosque, quibus insidiae 
parabantur, neret : Cethegus Ciceronis januam 9 obsideret, 
eum vi adgrederetur, 10 alius autem alium : sed 11 filii 
familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxuma pars, parentes 
interficerent ; simul, caede et incendio perculsis omnibus, 
ad Catilinam erumperent. Inter haec 12 parata atque de- 
creta, Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum : 
illos dubitando et 13 dies prolatando magnas opportunitates 
corrumpere ; facto, non consulto, in tali periculo opus 
esse ; seque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, in> 
petum in curiam facturum. Natura ferox, vehemens, 
manu promtus, maxumum bonum in celeritate putabat. 

XLIV. Sed Allobroges, ex praecepto Ciceronis, per 
Gabinium ceteros u convenhmt ; ab Lentulo, Cethego, 
Statilio, item Cassio, postulant 15 jusjurandum, quod 16 signa- 
tum ad civis perferant : aliter haud facile eos ad tantum 
negotium impelli posse. 17 Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant : 
Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur, ac paullo 
ante legatos ex urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. 
Volturciuni quemdam, 18 Crotoniensem, mittit, uti Allo- 
broges prius, quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina, data 
et accepta fide, societatem confirmarent. Ipse Yolturcio 
litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scri- 
ptum : " Quis sim, ex eo quem ad te misi, cognosces. 
* 9 Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te 

11* 



102 SALLUSTIl CATlLlS'A; 

virum ; consideres, quid tuae h-ationes postiilent ; auxiliunii 
petas ab omnibus, 2 etiam ab infimis." Ad hoc, 3 mandata 
verbis dat : " cum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo con- 
silio servitia repudiet 1 in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit : 
ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere." 

XLV. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua profi- 
ciscerentur, Cicero, per legatos cuncta edoctus, L. Va- 
lerio Flacco et C. Pomtino, praetoribus, imperat, uti in 
ponte 4 Mulvio, per insidias, Allobrogum 5 comitatus depre- 
hendant : rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur : 
6 cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. 7 Homines 
militares, sine tumultu spraesidiis collocatis, sicuti prae- 
ceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt. Postquam ad id 
loci legati cum Yolturcio venere, et simul utrimque 
clamor exortus est ; Galli, 9 cito cognito consilio, sine 
mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo, cohorta- 
tus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit ; dein, ubi a 
legatis desertus est, 10 multa prius de salute sua Pomtinum 
obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus, ac vitae 
diffidens, veluti hostibus, sese praetoribus dedit. 

XL VI. n QuiBus rebus confectis, omnia propere per 
nuncios consuli declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque 
laetitia simul occupavere. Nam laetabatur, conjuratione 
patefacta, civitatem periculis ereptam esse : porro autem 
anxius erat, in maxumo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis, 
quid facto opus ; poenam illorum 12 sibi oneri, impunitatem 
13 perdundae reipublicae credebat. Igitur, confirmato ani- 
mo, vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, 
Gabinium, item Q. Coeparium quemdam, Terracinensem, 
qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat. 
Ceteri sine mora veniunt : Coeparius, paullo ante domo 
egressus, cognito indicio, ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentu- 
lum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens perducit ; reliquos 
cum custodibus in aedem u Concordiae venire jubet. Eo 
senatum advocat, 15 magnaque frequentia ejus ordinis, 16 Yol- 
turcium cum legatis introducit : Flaccumpraetorem 17 scrini- 
um cum litteris,quas a legatis acceperaU eodemadferre jubet. 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 103 

XLYII. Volturcius interrogatus M de itinere, de lit- 
teris, postremo *quid, ant qua de caussa, consilii habuis- 
set ?" primo fingere 2 alia, dissimulare de conjuratione ; 
post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est, omnia, uti gesta 
erant, aperit : " paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Coepario 
socium adscitum, nihil amplius scire, quam legatos : tan- 
tummodo ? audire solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser- 
vium Sullam, L. Yargunteium, multos praeterea in ea 
conjuratione esse." Eadem Galli fatentur ; ac Lentulum 
dissimulantem coarguunt, praeter Htteras, sermonibus, 
quos habere solitus : " ex 4 libris Sibyllinis, regnum Ro- 
mae 5 tribus Corneliis portendi : Cinnam atque Sullam 
6 antea ; se tertium, cui fatum foret 7 urbis potiri : praeterea 
ab 8 incenso Capitolio ilium esse vigesimum annum, quern 
saepe ex prodigiis 9 haruspices respondissent bello civili 
cruentum fore." Igitur, perlectis litteris, cum prius 
omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, " uti 
10 abdicatus magistratu Lentulus, item ceteri in n liberis 
custodiis haberentur." Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spin- 
theri, qui turn 12 aedilis, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius 
13 C. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Coeparius (nam is 
paullo ante ex fuga retractus) u Cn. Terentio senatori 
traduntur. 

XLVIII. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae 
primo, cupida rerum novarum, nimis bello favebat, mutata 
mente, Catilinae consilia exsecrari, 15 Ciceronem ad coe- 
lum tollere : veluti ex servitute erepta, gaudium atque 
laetitiam agitabant. Namque alia belli facinora praedae 
magis, quam 16 detrimento ; 17 incendium vero crudele, im- 
moderatum, ac sibi maxume calamitosum putabat ; 
I8 quippe cui omnes copiae in usu quotidiano et cultu 
corporis erant. Post eum diem, quidam L. Tarquinius 
ad senatum adductus erat, quern ad Catilinam proficiscen- 
tem ex itinere retractum aiebant. Is cum se diceret in- 
dicaturum de conjuratione, si fides publica data esset ; 
jussus a consule, quae sciret, edicere, eadem fere, quae 
Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de 



104 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

itinere hostium, senatum edocet : praeterea, " se missum 
a M. Crasso, ] qui Catilinae nunciaret, 2 ne Lentulus, 
Cethegus, alii ex conjuratione deprehensi terrerent ; 
eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et cete- 
rorum 3 animos reficeret, et illi facilius e periculo eripe- 
rentur." Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, homi- 
nem nobilem, maxumis divitiis, summa potentia ; 4 alii, rem 
incredibilem rati ; pars, tameri etsi verum existumabant, 
tamen, 5 quia in tali tempore tanta vis hominis leniunda, 
quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis 
privatis 6 obnoxii, conclamant, " indicem falsum," deque 
ea re postulant 7 uti referatur. Itaque, consulente Cice- 
rone, frequens senatus decernit : " Tarquinii indicium fal- 
sum videri ; eumque in 8 v T inculis retinendum, neque am- 
plius 9 potestatem faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus 
consilio tantam rem 10 mentitus esset." Erant eo tempore, 
qui aestumarent, illud a P. Autronio machinatum, n quo 
facilius, adpellato Crasso, per societatem periculi reliquos 
illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone 12 im- 
missum aiebant, ne Crassus, 13 more suo, suscepto malo- 
rum patrocinio, rempublicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum 
ego postea u praedicantem audivi, tantam illam contume- 
liam sibi ab Cicerone impositam. 

XLIX. Sed isdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso, 
neque gratia, neque precibus, neque 15 pretio, Ciceronem 
impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges, aut alium indicem, 
C. Caesar falso 16 nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo 
gravis inimicitias exercebant ; Piso 17 obpugnatus in ju- 
dicio repetundarum, propter cujnsdam 18 Transpadani 
supplicium injustum ; Catulus 19 ex petitione pontificatus 
odio incensus, quod, extrema aetate, maxumis honoribus 
usus, ab 20 adolescentulo Caesare victus discesserat. 21 Res 
autem opportuna videbatur ; quod privatim egregia liber- 
alitate, 22 publice maxumis muneribus grandem pecuniam 
debebat. Sed, ubi consulem ad tantum f acinus impellere 
nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo, atque ementiundo, 
quae se ex Volturcio, aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent, 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 105 

magnam illi invidiam confkverant ; usque eo, ut nonnulli 
equites Romani, qui, praesidii caussa cum telis erant 
circum 1 Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine, seu 2 animi 
nobilitate impulsi, quo studium suum in rempublicam 
clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu 3 Caesari gladio 4 mini- 
tarentur. 

L. Dum haec in senatu aguntur, et dum legatis Al- 
lobrogum et Tito Volturcio, comprobato eorum indicio, 
praemia decernuntur ; 5 liberti, et pauci ex clientibus Len- 
tuli, diversis itineribus, opifices atque servitia in 6 vicis 
ad eum 7 eripiendum sollicitabant ; partim exquirebant 
8 duces multitudinam, qui pretio rempublicam vexare soliti : 
Cethegus autem, per nuncios, 9 familiam atque libertos 
suos, exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, grege facto, cum 
telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul, ubi ea parari cogno- 
vit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, 
convocato senatu, 10 refert, quid de his fieri placeat, 

QUI IN CUSTODIAM TRADITI ERANT. 11 Sed eOS, paullo 

ante, frequens senatus judicaverat, contra rempublicam 
fecisse. 12 Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus sententiam 
rogatus, quod eo tempore 13 consul designatus erat, de his 
qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. 
Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, sup- 
plicium sumendum decreverat : isque postea, permotus ora- 
tione C. Caesaris, 14 pedibus in sententiam Tib. Neronis 
iturum se dixerat ; quod de ea re, praesidiis additis, refe- 
rendum censuerat. 15 Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum, roga- 
tus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est. 
LI. " Omnis homines, Patres conscripti, qui de rebus 
dubiis consultant, l6 ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericor- 
dia, vacuos esse decet. Haud facile animus verum pro- 
videt, ubi ilia obficiunt ; neque quisquam omnium 17 lubi- 
dini simul et usui paruit. 18 Ubi intenderis ingenium, 
valet : si lubido possidet, ea doniinatur, animus nihil 
valet. Magna mihi copia memorandi, P. C. qui reges 
atque populi, ira, aut misericordia impulsi, male consu- 
luerint : sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri, contra 



106 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

lubidinem animi, recte atque ordine fecere. 1 Bello 
Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse gessimus, 2 Rhodiorum 
civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opi- 
bus creverat, 3 infida atque advorsa nobis fuit : sed post- 
quam, bello confecto, de Rhodiis consultum est, majores 
nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis, quam injuriae caussa, 
bellum inceptum diceret, 4 impunitos dimisere. Item bellis 
Punicis omnibus, cum saepe Carthaginienses et in pace, 
et 5 per inducias, multa nefaria facinora fecissent, numquam 
ipsi 6 per occasionem talia fecere : magis, quid se dignum 
foret, quam quid 7 in illis jure fieri posset, quaerebant. 
Hoc idem providendum est, Patres conscripti, 8 ne plus 
valeat apud vos P. Lentuli et ceterorum sceius, quam 
vestra dignitas ; neu magis irae, quam famae, consulatis. 
Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, 9 novum 
consilium adprobo : sin magnitudo sceleris 10 omnium in- 
genia exsuperat, iis utendum censeo, quae legibus com- 
parata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententias 
dixerunt, n composite atque magnifice casum reipublicae 
miserati sunt : quae belli saevitia, quae victis acciderent, 
enumeravere ; divelli liberos a parentium complexu ; ma- 
tres familiarum pati, quae victoribus collibuissent ; fana 
atque domos exspoliari ; caedem, incendia fieri ; postre- 
mo, armis, cadareribus, cruore atque luctu omnia com- 
pleri. Sed, per deos immortalis ! 12 quo ilia oratio peni- 
nuit 1 an, uti vos infestos conjurationi faceret ? Scilicet 
quern res tanta atque tarn atrox non permovit, eum ora- 
tio accendet ! Non ita est : neque cuiquam mortalium 
injuriae suae parvae videntur : multi eas gravius aequo 
habuere. Sed 13 aliis alia licentia, Patres conscripti. 
u Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent, si qmd iracundia 
deliquere, pauci sciimt ; fama atque fortuna pares sunt : 
qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, 
eorum facta cuncti mortales norere. 15 Ita in maxuma 
fortuna minuma licentia est : neque studere, neque odisse, 
sed minume irasci decet : quae apud alios iracundia 
dicitur, in imperio superbia atque crudelitas adpellatur. 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 107 

Equidem ego sic aestumo, Patres conscript!, omnis cru- 
ciatus minores, quam facinora illorum, esse : sed plerique 
mor tales postrema meminere, et in hominibus impiis 
sceleris obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paullo severior 
fuit. D. Silanum virum fortem atque strenuum, certe 
scio, quae dixerit, 1 studio reipublicae dixisse, neque ilium 
in tanta re gratiam, aut inimicitias exercere ; eos mores, 
earn modestiam viri cognovi. Verum sententia non mihi 
crudelis, quid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest ? 
sed aliena a republica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut 
metus, aut 2 injuria te subegit, Silane, consulem designa- 
tion, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore super- 
vacaneum est disserere, cum, 3 praesenti diligentia claris- 
sumi viri, consulis, 4 tanta praesidia sint in armis. De 
poena possumus equidem dicere id, quod res habet ; in 
luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non 
cruciatum esse ; earn cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere ; 
5 ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per 
deos immortalis ! quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, 
uti prius verberibus in eos animadverteretur ? an, quia 
6 lex Porcia vetat ? at aliae leges item condemnatis civi- 
bus animam non eripi, sed in exilium permitti jubent. 
iVn, quia gravius est verberari, quam necari 1 quid autem 
acerbum, aut grave nimis in homines tanti facinoris con- 
victos ? sin, quia levius ; 7 qui convenit in minore negotio 
legem timere, cum earn in majore neglexeris ? 8 At enim 
quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas reipublicae decretum 
erit ? 9 Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus lubido gentibus mod- 
eratur. Illis merito accidit, quidquid evenerit : ceterum 
vos, Patres conscripti, quid 10 in alios statuatis, considerate. 
Omnia mala exempla ex n bonis orta sunt ; sed, ubi im- 
perium ad ignaros, aut minus bonos pervenit, novum 
illud exemplum 12 ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non 
idoneos transfertur. Lacedaemonii, ]3 devictis Atheniensi- 
bus, trigmta viros imposuere, qui rempublicam eorum 
tractarent, Hi primo coepere pessumum quemque et 
omnibus invisum indemnatum necare : u ea populus laetari 



108 SALLUSTII CATILIXA. 

et merito dicere fieri. Post, ubi paullatim licentia crevit, 
juxta bonos et malos ^ubidinose interficere, ceteros metu 
terrere. Ita civitas, servitute oppressa, stultae laetitiae 
gravis poenas dedit. Nostra memoria, victor Sulla cum 
2 Damasippum et alios hujusmodi, qui malo reipublicae 
creverant, jugulari jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat ? 
homines scelestos, factiosos, qui seditionibus rempublicam 
exagitaverant, merito necatos aiebant. Sed ea res 
magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam, uti quisque domum, 
aut villam, postremo aut vas, aut vestimentum alicujus 
concupiverat, dabat operam, uti in proscriptorum numero 
esset. Ita, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, post 
paullo ipsi trahebantur : neque prius finis jugulandi fuit, 
quam Sulla omnis suos divitiis explevit. 3 Atque ego 
haec non in M. Tullio, neque his temporibus, vereor : 
sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest, 
alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manus, 
falsum aliquid pro vero credi : ubi hoc exemplo, per 
senati decretum, consul gladium eduxerit, quis fin em 
statuet, aut quis moderabitur ? Majores nostri, Patres 
conscripti, neque consilii, neque audaciae umquam eguere : 
neque superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si 
modo proba, imitarentur. Arma atque tela militaria ab 
Samnitibus, 4 insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque 
sumserunt : postremo, quod ubique apud socios aut hostis 
idoneum A'idebatur, cum summo studio domi exsequeban- 
tur : 5 imitari, quam invidere bonis malebant. Sed, eodem 
illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati, verberibus 6 animad- 
vertebant in civis, de condemnatis summuin supplicium 
sumebant. Postquam respublica adolevit, et multitudine 
civium factiones valuere, circmnveniri innocentes, aha 
hujuscemodi fieri coepere ; turn lex Porcia aliaeque para- 
tae, quibus legibus exilium damnatis permissmn. 7 Hanc 
ego caussam, Patres conscripti, quo minus novum consil- 
ium capiamus, in primis magnam puto. s Profecto virtus 
atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus 
tantum imperium fccere, quam in nobis, qui ea 9 bene 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 109 

parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur, eos dimitti, et augeri 
exercitum Catilinae ? minume : sed ita a censeo ; 2 publi- 
candas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos 3 per 
municipia quae maxume opibus valent ; 4 neu quis de is 
postea ad senatum referat, neve cum populo agat : qui 
aliter fecerit, senatum existumare, eum contra rempubli- 
cam et salutem omnium facturum." 

LIL Postquam Caesar dicendi flnem fecit, 5 ceteri 
verbo, alius alii, varie adsentiebantur : at M. Porcius 
Cato, rogatus sententiam, hujuscemodi orationem habuit. 
" 6 Longe mihi alia mens est, Patres conscripti, cum res 
atque pericula nostra considero, et cum sententias non- 
nullorum mecum ipse reputo. 7 Illi mihi disseruisse 
videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, 8 aris 
atque focis suis, bellum paravere : res autem monet, 
cavere ab illis, 9 quam, quid in illis statuamus, consultare. 
Nam 10 cetera turn n persequare, ubi facta sunt ; hoc, nisi 
provideris ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra 12 judicia implo- 
res ; capta urbe, nihil fit reliqui victis. Sed, per deos 
immortalis ! vos ego adpello, qui semper domos, villas, 
signa, 13 tabulas vestras pluris, quam rempublicam fecistis : 
si ista, cujuscumque modi sint, quae 14 amplexamini, reti- 
nere, si voluptatibus vestris otium praebere voltis ; exper- 
giscimini aliquando, et 15 capessite rempublicam. 16 Non 
agitur de vectigalibus, non de sociorum injuriis : libertas 
et anima nostra in dubio est. Saepenumero, Patres con- 
scripti, multa verba in hoc ordine feci ; saepe de luxuria 
atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum, multosque 
mortalis ea caussa advorsos habeo ; 17 qui mihi atque ani- 
mo meo nullius umquam delicti gratiam fecissem, haud 
facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam. Sed, ea 
tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen respublica nrma ; 
18 opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat. Nunc vero non id 
agitur, bonis an malis moribus vivamus ; neque quantum, 
aut quam magnificum imperium populi Romani : 19 sed, 
cujus haec cumque modi, nostra, an nobiscum una, hos- 
tium futura sint. 20 Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et 

12 



110 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

misericordiam nominat ? jam pridem equidem nos vera 
rerum vocabula amisimus ; quia bona aliena largiri, lib- 
eralitas ; malarum rerum audacia, fortitudo vocatur : 1 eo 
respublica in extremo sita. Sint sane, quoniam ita se 
mores habent, liberates ex sociorum fortunis, sint miseri- 
cordes 2 in furibus aerarii : 3 ne illis sanguinem nostrum 
largiantur, et, dum paucis sceleratis par cunt, bonos omnis 
perditum eant. 4 Bene et composite C. Caesar paullo 
ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, falsa, 
credo, existumans, quae de inferis memorantur ; diverso 
itinere malos a bonis loca tetra, inculta, foeda atque for- 
midolosa 5 habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum pub- 

LICANDAS, IPSOS PER MUNICIPIA IN CUSTODIIS HABENDOS ; 

6 videlicet timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus 
conjurationis, aut 7 a multitudine conducta, per vim eripi- 
antur. Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in 
urbe, et non per totam Italiam sint ; aut non ibi plus 
possit audacia, ubi ad defendendum opes minores. 
8 Quare vanum equidem hoc. consilium, si periculum ex 
illis metuit : sin in tanto omnium metu solus non timet, 
eo magis refert mihi atque vobis timere. Quare, cum de 
P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote, vos 
simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus conjuratis de- 
cernere. 9 Quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto illis ani- 
mus infirmior erit : si paullulum modo vos languere vide- 
rint, jam omnes feroces aderunt. Nolite existumare, 
majores nostros 10 armis rempublicam ex parva magnam 
fecisse. Si ita res esset, multo pulcherrumam earn nos 
haberemus : quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea 
armorum atque equorum major nobis copia, quam illis. 
Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, n quae nobis 
nulla sunt ; domi industria, foris justum imperium, ^ani- 
mus in consulendo liber, neque delicto, neque lubidini 
obnoxius. Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avari- 
tiam ; 13 publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam ; laudamus 
divitias, sequimur inertiam ; inter bonos et malos discri- 
men nullum ; omnia u virtutis praemia ambitio possidet. 






SALLUSTII CATILINA. Ill 

Neque mirum ; ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium 
capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hie pecuniae, aut gratiae 
servitis : eo fit, ut impetus fiat in 1 vacuam rempublicam. 
Sed ego haec omitto. Conjuravere nobilissumi cives 
patriam incendere : Gallorum gentem infestissumam nom- 
ini Romano ad bellum arcessunt : dux hostium 2 supra 
caput est : vos cunctamini etiam nunc, quid intra moenia 
3 adprehensis hostibus faciatis ? 4 Misereamini censeo ; 
deliquere homines adolescentuli, per ambitionem ; atque 
etiam armatos dimittatis. 5 Ne, ista vobis mansuetudo et 
misericordia, si illi arma ceperint, in miseriam vertet. 
6 Scilicet res aspera est ; sed vos non timetis earn. Immo 
vero maxume ; sed inertia et mollitia animi, alius alium 
exspectantes cunctamini, dis immortalibus confisi, qui 
hanc rempublicam in maxumis saepe periculis servavere. 
Non votis, neque 7 suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum 
parantur : vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo, 8 prospera 
omnia cedunt : ubi secordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, 
nequidquam deos implores ; irati infestique sunt. Apud 
major es nostros, T. Manlius Torquatus s bello Gallico 
filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem pugna- 
verat, necari jussit ; atque ille egregius adolescens im- 
moderatae fortitudinis morte 10 poenas dedit : 11 vos de cru- 
delissumis parricidis quid statuatis, cunctamini ? ^Vide- 
licet vita cetera eorum huic sceleri obstat. Verum 
parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si famae suae, 
si dis aut hominibus umquam ullis pepercit : ignoscite 
Cethegi adolescentiae, 13 nisi iterum patriae bellum fecit. 
Nam quid ego de Gabinio, Statilio, Coepario loquar ? 
quibus u si quidquam umquam pensi fuisset, non ea con- 
silia de republica habuissent. Postremo, Patres con- 
scripti, si mehercule peccato locus esset, facile paterer 
vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnitis ; sed 
undique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum exercitu fauci- 
bus urget : alii intra moenia, in sinu urbis sunt hostes : 
15 neque parari, neque consuli quidquam occulte potest; 
quo magis properandum. Quare ita ego censeo : cum 



112 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

nefario consilio sceleratorum civium respublica in maxu- 
ma pericula venerit, hique indicio T. Yolturcii, et lega- 
torum Allobrogum, convicti confessique sint, caedem, 
incendia, alia foeda atque crudelia facinora in civis 
patriamque paravisse ; de confessis, sicuti de 1 manifestis 
rerum capitalium, more majorum, supplicium sumendum." 

LIII. Postquam Cato adsedit, consulares omnes, item- 
que senatus magna pars, sententiam ejus laudant, 2 virtu- 
tem animi ad coelum ferunt ; alii alios increpantes timidos 
vocant ; Cato magnus atque clarus habetur ; senati decre- 
tum fit, 3 sicuti ille censuerat. 4 Sed mihi multa legenti, 
multa audienti, quae populus Romanus, domi militiaeque, 
mari atque terra, praeclara facinora fecit, forte lubuit 
attendere, 5 quae res maxume tanta negotia sustinuisset. 
Sciebam, saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legioni- 
bus hostium contendisse : cognoveram, parvis copiis bella 
gesta cum opulentis regibus ; ad hoc, saepe fortunae vio- 
lentiam toleravisse ; facundia Graecos, gloria belli Gallos 
ante Romanos fuisse. Ac mihi multa 6 agitanti constabat, 
paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse ; 
eoque factum, uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem pauci- 
tas superaret. Sed postquam luxu atque desidia ci vitas 
corrupta est, rursus respublica magnitudine sua impera- 
torum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat ; ac, 7 veluti 
effoeta parente, multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam 
Romae virtute magnus fuit. Sed, memoria mea, ingenti 
virtute, divorsi moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato, et C. 
Caesar ; quos, quoniam res obtulerat, silentio praeterire 
non fuit consilium, quin utri usque naturam ^et mores, 
quantum ingenio possem, aperirem. 

LIV. Igitur his 8 genus, 9 aetas, eloquentia, prope 
aequalia fuere ; magnitudo animi par, item 10 gloria ; sed 
11 alia alii. Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus ha- 
bebatur ; integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine et 
misericordia clarus factus : 12 huic severitas dignitatem 
addiderat. Caesar dando, sublevando, 13 ignoscendo ; Cato 
nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus. In altero miseriis per- 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 113 

fugium ; in altero malis pemicies : Hllius facilitas ; hujus 
constantia laudabatur. Postremo, Caesar 2 in animum in- 
duxerat laborare, vigilare ; negotiis amicorum intentus, sua 
neglegere ; nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset ; sibi 
magnum imperium, exercitum, novum bellum exoptabat, 
ubi virtus enitescere posset. 3 x\t Catoni studium modes- 
tiae, decoris, sed maxume severitatis erat. Non divitiis 
cum divite, neque 4 factione cum factioso ; sed cum stre- 
nuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente 5 absti- 
nentia certabat : 6 esse, quam videri, bonus malebat : ita, 
quo minus gloriam petebat, eo magis sequebatur. 

LV. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam 
discessit, consul optumum factum ratus, noctem, quae 
instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, 7 trium- 
viros, quae supplicium postulabat, parare jubet : ipse, 
dispositis praesidiis, Lentulum in carcerem deducit : idem 
fit ceteris per praetores. Est 8 locus in carcere, quod 
9 Tullianum adpellatur, ubi paullulum 10 escenderis ad lae- 
vam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus. Eum 
muniunt undique parietes, atque insuper n camera, lapideis 
fornicibus vincta : sed 12 incultu, tenebris, odore, foeda 
atque terribilis ejus facies est. In eum locum postquam 
demissus Lentulus, 13 quibus praeceptum erat, 14 laqueo 
gulam fregere. Ita ille patricius, ex clarissuma gente 
Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat, 
dignum moribus factisque suis exitum vitae invenit. De 
Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Coepario, eodem modo suppli- 
cium sumtum. 

LYI. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina 15 ex omni 
copia, quam et ipse adduxerat, et Manlius habuerat, 
16 duas legiones instituit ; cohortes, pro numero militum, 
complet : deinde, ut quisque voluntarius, aut ex sociis in 
castra venit, aequaliter distribuerat ; ac brevi spatio le- 
giones 17 numero hominum explevarat, cum initio non 
amplius duobus millibus habuisset. Sed ex omni copia 
circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa ; 
ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, 18 sparos, aut lanceas, 

12* 



114 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

alii 1 praeacutas sudes portabant. Sed, postquam Antonius 
cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montes iter facere, 
ad urbem modo, modo 2 in Galliam versus, castra movere ; 
hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare ; sperabat prope 
diem 3 sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta patravis- 
sent. Interea servitia repudiabat, 4 cujus initio ad eum 
magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus conjurationis fretus ; 
simul 5 alienum suis rationibus existumans videri caussam 
civium cum sends fugitivis communicavisse. 

LVII. Sed, postquam in castra nuncius pervenit, Ro- 
mae conjurationem patefactam, de Lentulo, Cethego, cet- 
eris, quos supra memoravi, supplicium sumtum ; plerique, 
quos ad bellum spes rapinarum, aut novarum rerum 
studium illexerat, dilabuntur ; reliquos Catilina per montis 
asperos, magnis itineribus, 6 in agrum Pistoriensem abdu- 
cit, eo consilio, uti per tramites occulte perfugerent in 
7 Galliam. At Q. Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus 
in agro Piceno praesidebat, 8 ex difficultate rerum eadem 
ilia existumans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare. 
Igitur, ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere 
movet, ac 9 sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi 
descensus erat in Galliam properanti. Neque tamen 
Antonius procul aberat ; 10 utpote qui magno exercitu, 
locis aequioribus 11 expeditus, in fuga sequeretur. Sed 
Catilina, postquam videt 12 montibus atque copiis hostium 
sese clausum, in urbe res adversas, neque fugae, neque 
13 praesidii ullam spem ; optumum factum ratus in tali re 
fortunam belli tentare, statuit cum Antonio quamprimum 
confligere. Itaque, concione advocata, hujuscemodi ora- 
tionem habuit. 

LVIII. " Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtu- 
tem non addere ; neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem 
ex timido exercitum, oratione imperatoris, fieri. Quanta 
cujusque animo audacia natura, aut u moribus, inest, tanta 
in bello patere solet : quem neque gloria, neque pericula, 
excitant, nequidquam hortere ; timor animi auribus obficit. 
Sed ego vos, quo pauca monereui, advocavi ; simul uti 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 115 

1 caussam consilii aperirem. Scitis equidem, milites, 
secordia atque ignavia Lentuli 2 quantam ipsi cladem no- 
bisque attulerit ; quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia 
opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim. Nunc quo in 
loco res nostrae sint, juxta mecum omnes intellegitis. 
Exercitus hostium duo, 3 unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia, 
obstant : diutius in his locis esse, 4 si maxume animus 
ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet. 
Quocumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Qua- 
propter vos moneo, uti forti atque parato animo sitis ; et, 
cum praelium inibitis, memineritis, vos divitias, decus, 
gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dextris 
portare. Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta, commeatus 
abunde, coloniae atque municipia patebunt : sin metu ces- 
serimus, eadem ilia advorsa Hunt : neque locus, neque 
amicus quisquam teget, quern arma non texerint. Prae- 
terea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo im- 
pendet : nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus ; 
5 illis supervacaneum est pugnaTe pro potentia paucorum. 
Quo audacius adgredimini, memores pristinae virtutis. 
Licuit nobis, cum summa turpitudine, in exilio aetatem 
agere : potuistis nonnulli Romae, amissis bonis, alienas 
opes exspectare. Quia ilia foeda atque intoleranda 6 viris 
videbantur, haec sequi decrevistis. Si 7 relinquere voltis, 
audacia opus est : nemo, nisi victor, pace bellum mutavit. 
Nam in fuga salutem sperare, cum arma, 8 quis corpus 
tegitur, ab hostibus averteris, 9 ea vero dementia est. 
Semper in praelio maxumum est periculum, 10 qui maxume 
timent : audacia pro muro habetur. Cum vos considero, 
milites, et cum facta vestra aestumo, magna me spes 
victoriae tenet. Animus, aetas, virtus vestra hortantur ; 
praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortis facit. 
Nam multitudo hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent 
angustiae. Quod si virtuti vestrae fortuna inviderit, ca- 
vete, n inulti animam amittatis ; neu capti potius, sicuti 
pecora, trucidemini, quam, virorum more pugnantes, cru- 
entam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis." 



116 SALLUSTII CATILINA. 

LIX. Haec ubi dixit, paullulum commoratus, signa 
canere jubet, atque Hnstructos ordines in locum aequum 
deducit : dein, remotis omnium equis, quo militibus, ex- 
aequato periculo, animus amplior esset, ipse 2 pedes exer- 
citum, 3 pro loco atque copiis, instruit. 4 Nam, uti plani- 
ties erat inter sinistros montis, et, ab dextra, rupes aspera, 
octo cohortis in fronte constituit : 5 reliqua signa in 
subsidio artius collocat. 6 Ab his centuriones omnis lectos, 
et 7 evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum 
quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit. V. Man- 
lium in dextera, 8 Faesulanum quemdam sinistra parte 
curare jubet : ipse cum 9 libertis et colonis 10 propter aqui- 
lam adsistit, quam, bello 11 Cimbrico, C. Marius in exer- 
citu habuisse dicebatur. At ex altera parte C. Antonius, 
12 pedibus aeger, quod praelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio 
legato exercitum permittit. Ille cohortis veteranas, quas 
13 tumulti caussa conscripserat, in fronte ; post eas, cete- 
rum exercitum in subsidiis locat. 14 Ipse equo circumiens, 
unumquemque nominans adpellat, hortatur, rogat, uti 
meminerint, se contra latrones 15 inermos, pro patria, pro 
liberis, pro aris atque focis suis, 16 cernere. Homo milita- 
ris, quod amplius annos triginta 17 tribunus, aut 18 prae- 
fectus, aut legatus, aut praetor cum magna gloria fuerat, 
plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat : ea com- 
memorando militum animos accendebat. 

LX. Sed ubi, rebus omnibus exploratis, Petreius 19 tuba 
signum dat, cohortis paullatim incedere jubet ; idem facit 
hostium exercitus. Postquam eo ventum, unde a 20 feren- 
tariis praelium committi posset, maxumo clamore cum 
infestis signis concurrunt ; 21 pila omittunt ; gladiis res 
geritur. Veterani, pristinae virtutis memores, cominus 
acriter instare : illi haud timidi resistunt : maxuma vi 
certatur. 22 Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie 
versari, laborantibus succurrere, integros pro sauciis 
arcessere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare, saepe 
hostem ferire : strenui militis, et boni imperatoris officia 
simul exsequebatur. Petreius, ubi videt Catilinam, con- 



i 



SALLUSTII CATILINA. 117 

tra ac ratus erat, magna vi tendere, 1 cohortem praetoriam 
in medios hostis inducit ; eos perturbatos atque alios alibi 
resistentes interficit ; deinde utrimque ex latehbus adgre- 
ditur. Manlius et Faesulanus 2 in primis pugnantes cadunt. 
Postquam fusas copias, seque cum paucis relictum videt 
Catilina, memor generis atque pristinae dignitatis, in con- 
fertissumos hostes incurrit, ibique pugnans confoditur. 

LXI. Sed, confecto praelio, turn vero cerneres, quan- 
ta audacia. quantaque animi vis fuisset in exercitu Cati- 
linae. Nam fere, quern quisque pugnando locum ceperat, 
eum, amissa anima, corpore tegebat. Pauci autem, quos 
cohors praetoria disjecerat, 3 paullo diversius, sed omnes 
tamen adversis volneribus conciderant. Catilina vero 
longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paullu- 
lum etiam spirans, ferociamque animi, quam habuerat 
vivus, in voltu retinens. Postremo, ex omni copia, neque 
in praelio, neque in fuga, quisquam 4 civis ingenuus 
captus. 5 Ita cuncti suae hostiumque vitae juxta peper- 
cerant. Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam 
aut incruentam victoriam adeptus : nam strenuissumus 
quisque aut occiderat in praelio, aut graviter vulneratus 
discesserat. Multi autem, qui de castris, visundi, aut spo- 
liandi gratia, processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, 
amicum alii, pars hospitem, aut cognatum reperiebant : 
fuere item, qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. Ita varie 
per omnem exercitum 6 laetitia, moeror, luctus atque 
gaudia agitabantur. 



WVWWWWWWWVWti ^wv^w^v^w^v^.-^ 



EXPLANATORY NOTES. 



NOTES 



TO THE 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 

Page. 
1. Falso queritur, &c. "Mankind complain without reason j 
of their nature." Falso, literally, "falsely," "erroneously." — 
Sallust has been justly blamed for the introductions to his histories. 
They have little if any relation to the subject which they are in- 
tended to usher in, and are too discursive and long. 

2. Quod imbecilla, &c. " That, being weak and of short duration 
it is influenced more by chance, than by the exertion of intellect." — 
Imbecilla agrees with natura. The less usual form of this adjective 
is imbecillis. — Virtute is here equivalent to virtute animL 

3. Nam contra. " For, on the contrary." 

4. Invenias. " You will find, I think." — The subjunctive is here 
employed to convey a softened assertion, indicative of modesty on 
the part of the writer, and not of any doubt in his mind on the sub- 
ject which he is discussing. So crediderim is frequently used, in 
the sense of " I am inclined to believe." 

5. Magisque naturae, &c. " And that active exertion is more 
wanting to the nature of men, than ability or duration," i. e. than 
additional power or an enlarged period of existence. — Naturae 
hominum is equivalent to homini, " And that man stands more in 
need of," &c. 

6. Sed dux atque imperator, &c. A refutation of those who 
maintain, that human nature is influenced more by chance than by 
any exertion of the mental powers. — Sed may be rendered " Now." 
— Dux atque imperator. " The director and ruler." Imperator 
rises in force of meaning above dux. The former means literally, 
u commander in chief;" whereas dux means the highest of the in- 
ferior officers, having himself an important command. These are 
here applied to one and the same objects, for the purpose of showing 
the all-controlling power of the mind. 

7. Grassatur, " Aspires." Literally, " moves boldly on." 

8. Pollens potensque. " Powerful and vigorous." Pollens refers 
here to innate strength, potens to its exercise, 

13 



122 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

j 9. Quippe probitatem, &c. " Since it (i. e. fortune) can neither 

give, nor take away, integrity, activity, nor other praiseworthy quali- 
ties." Industrial here means an active exercise of our abilities. — 
The student will notice the use of artis for artes. Sallust is very 
much attached to this form of the accusative, omnis for omnes, po- 
pularis for popular es, &c. It is called an archaism, (a term gene- 
rally applied to the use of antiquated or obsolete forms of expression,) 
though not very correctly, since the termination in is would seem 
to have been most commonly employed in the best ages of Latinity. 
The common grammatical rule is, that nouns, whose genitive plural 
ends in ium, have es, is, or eis, in the accusative plural. 

10. Ad inertiam et voluptatis corporis, &c. " It has been con- 
signed to the destructive bondage of sloth and corporeal gratifica- 
tions." The literal meaning of pes sum appears to be " down," " to 
the bottom," "under foot." Hence pessumdo literally means, 
" to send or throw to the bottom," and then figuratively, " to 
ruin or destroy." — Voluptatis is put for voluptates. See previous 
note. 

11. Perniciosa luhdine, &c. In rendering, begin vnthubi, " when, 
after it has enjoyed for a season this destructive indulgence," &c. 

12. Suam quisque culpam, &c. " The authors of these evils 
transfer each to affairs the blame that is their own." They allege 
in extenuation of their mental inactivity, that the affairs to which they 
had directed their attention proved too difficult of accomplishment. 

13. Quod si hominibus, &c. " But if mankind were inspired 
with as great a regard for things conducive to their welfare, as is 
the zeal with which they seek after," &c. — Aliena, " things foreign 
to their nature." 

14. Neque regerentur, &c. " They would not be more controlled 
by, than they would themselves control, the chances of fortune." 

15. Ubi, pro mortalibus. " In which, as far as is consistent with 
mortal lot." Pro mortalibus, literally, " for mortals." Equivalent 
to quatenus mortalibusyas est. 

16. Genus humanum. "Man." 

17. Sequuntur. " Partake of." 

18. Praeclarafacies. " Personal beauty." — Literally " a fine 
face," or " exterior." 

19. Dilabuntur. " Insensibly leave us." — Literally, " steal away," 
"drop off." 

20. Ingenii egregia facinora. " The splendid exertions of intel- 
lect." — Facinus denotes a bold or daring action, and unless it be 
joined with a favourable epithet, or the action be previously de- 
scribed as commendable, the term is always to be understood in a 






JUOURTHINE WAR. 123 

Page, 
vituperative sense. In the present passage, the epithet egregius \ 
marks the character of the action as praiseworthy. 

21. Corporis et fortunae bonorum. " Of the advantages of person 
and fortune." 

1. Agit atque habet cuncta, &c. " Controls and sways all O 
things, and is itself controlled by none." After habetur understand 

ab ullo (scil. negotio.) 

2. Quo magis pravitas, &c. " On which account the depravity 
of those is the more to be wondered at," &c. 

3. Incultu. " Through want of culture." 

4. Artes animi. " Mental employments." 

5. Ex his. "Of 'these employments of mind." Understand 
artibus animi. 

6. Omnis cura, &c. " All change of public affairs," or " every 
office of administration." Of these offices, magistratus are of a 
civil, imperia of a military nature. 

7. Quoniam neque virtuti, &c. " Since, neither, on the one 
hand, is the honour, that is its due, rendered to merit, nor are they, 
on the other, who have obtained authority by unfair means," &c. — 
The allusion in fraudem is to bribery and other unworthy and de- 
grading practices. I 

8. Parentes. " Subjected states." From pareo, " to obey,\ 
and having the first syllable long. In. parentes, "parents," it is 
short. — The word occurs again in the first chapter of this history. 

9. Delicta corrigas, " may rectify abuses." — Importunum, " a 
perilous task." Literally, " without a harbour," or place of safety 
from the storm. 

10. Fatigando. "After all one's exertions." Understands, 
which in some editions is expressed. 

11. Quern. For aliquem. — Lubido, an archaism for libido. 

12. Gratifcari. " Of sacrificing." i. e. Tanquam rem gratam 
devovere. — More usual Latinity would require gratificandi ; but Sal- 
lust is fond of unusual forms of expression. 

13. Quae ingenio exercentur. " Which form the exercise of the 
mind." Literally, " which are exercised upon by the mind." 

14. Memoria rerum gestarum. " The recording of past events." 
i. e. historical composition. — Virtute. "Excellence." — Praetere- 
undum. Understand esse mihi. 

15. Per insolentiam. " From a feeling of vanity." Insolentia, 
strictly, is unusual or altered conduct, as when the head is turned 
with vanity and self-conceit. — Studium laudando. " By praising my 
own profession," i. e. of an historian. Before extollere understand me. 

16. A republica. " From all participation in public affairs." 



124 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

2 17. Certe, &c. Supply the ellipsis as follows : " Ii certe hoc 

facient, quibus," &c. 

18. Salutare plebem. " To court the favour of the populace." 
Referring to the acts of candidates in electioneering for office, going 
around, addressing in a friendly manner, shaking hands with voters, 
&c. 

19. Quibus temporibus. Sallust obtained the office of quaestor, 
which entitled him to a seat in the senate, at the age of twenty- 
seven, a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, and while the 
state was thrown into the greatest confusion by the acts of Clodius 
and his followers. He was made tribune of the commons six years 
after, on which occasion, according to some authorities, Cato was 
his competitor, but, according to others, when he was made praetor. 
To his success over Cato the historian alludes in the words quales 
viri, &c. If this competition occurred for the office of praetor, he 
had no great reason to be proud of his success, since he obtained 
that magistracy entirely through the interest of Caesar. 

20. Merito. " On good grounds." — Judicium animi mutamsse. 
"Have altered my determination." — Aliorum negotiis. "The 
active employment of others." 

21. Q. Maximum. Quintus Fabius Maximus, the well-known op- 
ponent of Hannibal. — P. Scipionem. The elder Africanus, who con- 
quered Hannibal in the battle of Zama. — Solitos. Understand esse. 

q 1. Imagines. Among the Romans, those whose ancestors, or 

** who themselves had borne any curule office, that is, had been consul, 
praetor, censor, or curule aedile, were called nobiles, and had the 
right of making images of themselves, which were kept with great 
care by their posterity, and exhibited only at funerals or on solemn 
occasions. These images were nothing more than the busts or 
effigies of the individuals, down to the shoulders, made of wax, and 
painted. They were placed in the atrium, or hall, of the Roman 
house, enclosed in wooden cases. 

2. Scilicet non ceram Mam, &c. We must here resolve scilicet 
into its component members (scire licet,) and construe as follows . 
Scire licet non ceram illam, &c. habere. " We may well suppose 
that neither the mere wax of which they were made, nor the form 
it had assumed, possessed such power in themselves." 

3. Eorum. " Of the former." Referring to their ancestors, and 
depending in construction on famam and gloriam. With virtus 
supply sua ipsorum, " their own merit." Sallust here argues in fa- 
vour of history, as a means of exciting to noble and praiseworthy 
actions, by its recounting the deeds of former days. 

4. His moribus. " Amid the corruption of the day." i. e. Amid 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 125 

Page. 
these manners that are now prevalent. — Quin contendat, " who does Q 
not seek to vie." Quin is here equivalent to qui no?i. 

5. Homines novi. " Men of humble origin." Literally, "new 
men." Those who were the first of their family that had raised 
themselves to any curule office, were called among the Romans, 
homines novi, in allusion to their recent admission among the no- 
bility. 

6. Furtim et per latrocinia. " By private intrigue and open 
fraud." The acts of peculation, and official plunder, of which the 
Roman magistrates were so frequently guilty, are here stigmatized, 
and they are spoken of as actually affording the means for farther ad- 
vancement in the state. Sallust himself is open to this charge. — Af- 
ter potius we have rejected from the text, with some of the best edi- 
tions, the words quam bonis artibus, as the idea is sufficiently ex- 
pressed by per virtutem which precedes. 

7. Ac non perinde habeantur. " And are not to be estima- 
ted according to the merit of those who fill them." Ac is more fre- 
quently employed after perinde than ut. But its occurrence at the 
beginning of the clause prevents its being again employed on the 
principle of euphony. 

8. Liberius altiusque. "Too freely and too far." Com- 
pare remarks under note 1, page 1. — Redeo. Put here for eo, 
i. e. venio, the compound for the simple. " I now come to my subject." 

9. Jugurth-a. Consult Historical Index. — Numidarum. Nu- 
midia answers in some measure to the modern Algiers. Consult 
Geographical Index. 

10. Atrox. "Bloody." — Variaque victoria fuit. " And the suc- 
cess was various," i. e. and marked by various turns of fortune ; 
victory inclining sometimes to the side of the Romans, and then 
again to that of Jugurtha. 

11. Obviam itum est. " Successful opposition was made." — Di- 
vina et humana cuncta. " All things religious and civil," i. e. the 
whole state. —Studiis cioilibus, " to the dissensions of the state," 
or simply, " civil dissensions." With faceret understand solum or 
tantum, " only." 

12. Pauca supra repetam. " I will take a brief review." 

13. Quo, ad cognoscendum, &c. " In order that all things may 
be clearer, and placed in a more distinct point of view, for the pur- 
pose of being thoroughly understood." Ad cognoscendum, literally, 
" for the knowing of them." The gerund, according to the gram- 
marians, is here taken in a passive sense. The change of meaning, 
however, is rather owing to the idiom of modern languages, as ap- 
pears from the literal force of ad cognosceiidum, 

13* 



126 



NOTES TO THE 



Page. 

3 14. Bello Punico secundo. Consult Historical Index, for an ac- 

count of the Punic wars, and also for some mention of the Cartha- 
ginians, Hannibal, and Masinissa, under their respective heads. — 
Post magnitudinem nominis Romani. " Since the Roman name 
became illustrious.' ■ 

15. Cui postea Africano, &c. The term Africano is here put in 
the dative by attraction to the dative of the person. In rendering 
the clause, Africano must be taken as equivalent to Africani or Af- 
ricanus. Thus, Est mihi nomen Joanni, " my name is John ;" for 
Est mihi nomen Joannis, (or Joannes.) 

16. Praeclara rei militaris facinora. " Brilliant military exploits." 
Consult note 4, page 2. — Syphace. Consult Historical Index. 
The proper name Syphax is said to have the penult of the genitive 
common. It is on the contrary always long, for the line in Clau- 
dian (Bell. Gild. 91.) where the short quantity occurs, " Compuli- 
mus dirum Syphacem, fractumque Metello," is now altered in the 
best editions, after a conjecture of Barth's, and we read Hanibalem 
for Syphacem. 

17. Regi. Referring to Masinissa. 

18. Imperii vitaeque ejus, &c. The grant of the Romans ceased 
with the life of Masinissa. His son Micipsa reigned merely over 
that part of Numidia which had originally belonged to his parent. 
Cirta, and the portion of Numidia which Syphax had possessed, were 
formed into a Roman province. Hence imperii in the text refers to 
the empire of Masinissa in its full extent, embracing what he had 
received from the Romans. 

^ 1. Absumtis. " Being carried off." 

2. Eodem cultu, &c. " He reared at home in the same way as 
he did his own children." Cultus here has reference to every thing 
connected with the rearing of youth. It may be rendered more 
literally by the term " education." Thus, " he kept at his court, 
and trained up by the same system of education," &c. 

3. Luxu. The old dative for luxui. — Corrumpendum. " To be 
corrupted by them." Literally, "for a corrupting by means of 
them." Understand Mis in the ablative, and consult note 13, 
page 3. 

4. Equitare, jaculari, &c. " He engaged in feats of horseman- 
ship, he learned to throw the lance," &c. The infinitive is here 
put for the imperfect of the indicative, a practice of which Sallust is 
perhaps fonder than any other writer. Grammarians term it the 
historical infinitive, as being principally used in historical narratives, 
in order to give an air of rapidity and animation to the sentence. 
This construction is usually explained by an ellipsis of cocpit or coe- 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 127 

Page. 
perunt, which may often be supplied ; in other cases, however, it 4 
will not accord with the sense. 

5. Et, cum omnis gloria anteiret. " And though he surpassed 
all in reputation." Omnis is put for omnes. Consult note 9, page 
1. — Esse, for erat. Consult note 4. So also we have in this same 
sentence, agere for agebat, ferire for feriebat, facer e for faciebat, and 
loqui for loquebatur. 

6. Hominem adolescentem. " The young man." Sallust, by a 
species of archaism (note 9, p. 1.) here uses adolescens, with homo 
expressed, as a verbal adjective. Adolescens is, strictly speaking, 
a verbal, and means " one growing up."- — Exactasua aetate. " His 
own age being far advanced." 

7. Magis magisque crescere. " Increased more and more in 
reputation." Crescere is here the ordinary infinitive, preceded in 
construction by hominem adolescentem, 

8. Avida imperii, &c. " Eager after power, and hurried head- 
long to the gratification of its ruling propensity." Animi cupidinem 
is an archaism for cwpidinem alone. — Opportunitas suaeque, &c. 
" The favourable opportunity afforded by his own and the age of his 
children, a circumstance which leads even moderate men astray by 
the hope of self-aggrandizement." 

9. Seditio. " Insurrection." — Bellum. " War," i. e. civil war. 
— Anxius. " Apprehensive." 

10. Popularibus. " To his countrymen." 

11. Numantino. Consult Geographical Index. — Cum mitteret. 
" Being engaged in sending." — Ostentando virtutem. " In ostenta- 
tiously displaying his valour." — Saevitia. " By the furious bravery." 

12. Impigro atque acri ingenio. "Of a quick and penetrating 
turn of mind." — P. Scipionis. The younger Africanus, called also 
Aemilianus. — Morem hostium. " The mode of fighting practised 
by the enemy." 

1. Quorum alterum. Referring to his being wise in council. — £J 
Adferre. " To generate." 

2. Res asperas. " Difficult enterprises." — Agere for agebat ; so 
habere for habebat, and amplecti for amplectebatur. This peculiar- 
ity in Sallust's style need no longer be noted by us. The student 
will easily discover it himself. (Consult note 4, page 4.) — Magis 
magisque, &c. " He became more and more attached to him every 
day." 

3. Munificentia animi, &c. " A generosity of spirit and shrewd- 
ness of intellect." — Quis for quibus. 

4. Potiores. " Possessed of more charms." — Domi. " At home," 
i. e. at Rome. — Apud socios clari magis quam honesti. " Men ra- 



128 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

5 ther of note among our allies, than really possessed of integrity." 
Equivalent to magnam potius quam bonam famam habenies. 

5. Non mediocrem animum. " The ambitious spirit." 

6. Romae omnia venalia esse. Meaning that he could purchase, if 
he pleased, the kingdom of Numidia from the Romans, after the 
death of Micipsa. The power of Jugurtha's bribes will be seen in 
the course of the narrative. 

7. Rcvorti. An archaism for reverti. — Praetorium. "The gene- 
ral's tent.," i. e. his own (Scipio's) tent. The name of praetor was 
anciently common to all the Roman magistrates, and, in its primi- 
tive acceptation, means a commander, or general. (7* qui praeit 
jure et exercitu. Varro.) The term praetorxum is often used to de- 
note not only the tent of the commander, but also the space around 
for his retinue and body-guard ; not, however, in thia passage. 

8. Publice, quam prwatim. u Publicly rather than privately," 
i. e. by public services, rather than by private interest. — Quibus 
for aliquihus. — Periadom I | Implying that the 
kingdom of Numidia belonged to ti >man people, and not 
to a few of the nobility. That if he sought to obtain it from the latter 
by bribery, he would only Qg himself to danger. 

9. In suis artibus. u In I M of those abilities which he 
possessed." — Ultra. ''(': i.e. without am 
ertion on his part. — Propcranlius. " Too c.i e. should 
attempt to expedite i n to the tlirone b 

10. Pro nostra amicitia. " As a friend." laterally, * % in considera- 
tion of our mutual friends: 

11. Igitur rcr. ike. u . when he learned from 
the general's letter, that the things which he had heard from rumour 
were true." La esse, equivalent to ita esse uti accepcrat. "Wars 
so as he had heard." — Cum virtue influenced 
both by the merit of the man, and his popularity with the Romans." 

Q 1. Cum Jufrurtha. The presence of the preposition marks the 
familiar nature of the address to Jugurtha, which approached in fact 
to a conversation. 

2. In meum rrgnum. u Into my kingdom," i. e. as one of my 
heirs. In this assertion of Micipsa there was evidentlv no truth, 
and Jugurtha himself, as appears from the beginning of the next 
chapter, viewed it m this . stumans non minus. , 

"Thinking that I would be no less dear to vou, than to mv 
children, in case I should become the fa:. vordingto 

this declaration o\' Micipsa, he adopted Jr re he had any 

offspring of his own. The want of truth in this assertion speaks for 
itself. 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 129 

Page. 

3. Nequeeares falsum habuit. Understand me. "Nor did that 6 
expectation deceive me." Falsum habuit is equivalent to fefellit. — 
Tua. Understand fac ta, in the sense of-" exploits." 

4. Gloria honoravisti. " Thou hast decked with glory." — No- 
men familiae renovatum. "The name of our family has been re- 
vived." It had been previously rendered illustrious by the exploits 
of Massinissa. 

5. Per regni fidem. " By the fidelity you owe my kingdom," i. 
e. as received into a share of it, and made one of its members. Al- 
luding to his adoption, and the obligation he was consequently un- 
der of aiding and defending the throne. — Bcneficio meo. " By my 
kindness towards you." Alluding to his having adopted him. — 
Atienos. " Strangers." 

6. Nonexeralus, &c. This beautiful idea is borrowed from the 
dying speech of Cyrus, in Xenophon, Cyrop. s. 7, 14. — Officio et 
Me. " By kind offices, and by the exercise of fidelity." — Quis au- 
tcm. " Now, who." — Amiaor. Understand debet esse. — Tuis. " To 
your own relations." 

7. Dilabnntur. " Fall gradually to ruin." 

8. Ne altter quid ereniat. u That nothing may happen contrary 
to my wishes," i. e. literally, " otherwise than I could wish." — Opu- 
lentior. " The more powerful." This term literally means, " pow- 
erful in resources," pollens opibus. — Colite, obserrate. u Cherish, 
respect." — Hunc. The pronoun indicates the proximity of Jugurtha 
to the couch of the dying monarch. — Sumsisse. " To have adopt- 
ed." The more usual, but less accurate, form, is sumpsisse. 

9. Ficta. "Insincerely." Literally, " mere fictions." — Fro tem- 
pore^ &c. " Gave an affection >. , suited to the occasion." 
Pro tempore, literally, in consideration of the occasion. 

1. Justa. " His obsequies." Understand funera. We have it *JT 
expressed in Caesar. B. C. 6, 4, Justis funeribus eonfectis. — Re- 
guli. " The princes." Adherbal, Hiempsal, and Jugurtha. The 
term regulus is here employed, not so much with reference to their 
age, as to the division of the kingdom among them. It denotes 
properly " a petty monarch." — Minumus. " The youngest." Un- 
derstand natu. 

2. Ferox. "Violent." — Ignobilitatem Jugurthat. "The ignoble 
oirth of Jugurtha." Quia materno genere impar erat. " Because his 
origin was base on the mother's side." Literally, "because he was 
unequal, or inferior," &c. The allusion is to Jugurtha's having 
Deen born of a concubine. 

3. Dcxtra Adherbalem adsedit. " Sat down on the right hand of 
Adherbal." The accusative Adherbalem is governed by ad in com- 



130 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

7 position. Dextra is here equivalent to a dextra. — Fatigacus a 

fatre. " Being wearied out by the importunities of his brother." — 

In partem alteram. '* To the opposite side." 

4. Cum multa dissererent. " In the midst of a long discussion." — 
Jacit. " Throws out the remark," i. e. proposes. — Reschidi. u Should 
be repealed." — Parum ammo raluisse. " Had not been strong in 
mind." His judgment had been impaired by age and sickness, 
according to Jugurtha. 

5. Ipsum ilium. Referring to Jugurtha. — Quod verbum, 6lc. 
" This remark sank more deeply into the bosom of Jugurtha," 6lc. 
— Ira et metu anxius. u Distracted with ra^e and liar." — Moliri. 
"He plotted." — Parare. " He contrived." — Tardives. " Too 
slowly," i. e. tardius quam voluerat. M More slowly than he 
wished." 

6. Propter disscnsioncm. " To prevent mutual dispute 
Maturius. " First." Literally, " sooner." — Loca propinqua the- 
sau to have been the custom with the monarchs of 
that land to keep t},> ijholds. Thus, 
in the 37th chapter of thi- .thiil is mentioned, as 
having been employed for that purpose ; in the 75th chapter, Thala ; 
in the 92d chapter, a castle is spoken of -.bo finally calls 
Capsa, to ya$><pv\(iKiov tov 'IvvyovpSa. 

7. Proxumus K i. e. chief attendant. The 
lictors went 1 M whom they attended, one by one, in a 
regular line. The foremost was called lictor primus, and the hind- 
most, who inuntMliattlv preceded! the magistrate, was called lictor 
proximus, OT posfremus, and need to receive and execute the com- 
mands of the individual on whom he attended. Masinissa had Deem 
allowed by the Roman senate to assume the badges of curule ma- 
gistracy, in consideration of his valuab! In this way, 
lictors became a part of the retinue of the Numidian monarchs. 
Some, however, suppose that Sallust merely uses the term lictor on 
this occasion m accordance with the custom of other Roman writers, 
who applied terms, which only suited the institutions of their own 
country, to the customs and usages of other nations. 

8. Qucm ministrum. u Which tool." — Claris adulterinas. 
" False keys." Claris for dares. The gates of the house, not, as 
some maintain, of the city, are meant. — Vcntuntm. To the 
namely, where Hicmpsal was resid 

9. Diversi. "In different direction !ly, * 4 taking dif- 
ferent routes." — Occursantes. "Meeting them." — Strcpitu et tu- 
multu. M With uproar and confusion." — Tugnrio muhens annllae. 
"In an obscure apartment, belonging to a maid-se: '•<£»• 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 131 

Page. 
rium is here employed to denote a mean or poor apartment, such *7 
as slaves were lodged in. With regard to the expression mulieris 
ancillae, it may be remarked, that ancilla, strictly speaking, is an 
adjective, and is so used by the older writers, whom Sallust here 
imitates : not, however, by those of a later age. 

1. Omnisque. For omncsque. — In duas partis discedunt. "They 8 
separate into two parties." Partis for partes. — Ilium altcrum. 

" The other," i. e. Jugurtha. The pronoun tile here represents, by 
a species of archaism, the definite article, which the Latin language 
wants. 

2. Partim vi. &c. " Some by force, others of their own consent." 
Partim, here used in the sense of alias, and elsewhere in Sallust for 
an adverb, is in fact the old accusative of pars, for the later form 
partem, and governed by quod ad, or secundum, understood. 

3. Tamen etsi. An archaism for tametsi. 

4. In pronnciam. u Into the Roman province." i. e. the terri- 
tory of Carthage, which the Romans, after the death of Massinissa, 
on whom they had bestowed it for the period of his life, formed into 
a province. 

5. Jugurtha, patratis consiliis. After this in some editions we 
have postquam omni Numidia potiebatur. This, how* rely 
superfluous, and is already implied in patratis constu 

6. Quis. For quibus. — Uti expleant. " To satisfy fully." — 
Quemcum/jue possint, &c. " To gain over whomsoever they can by 
dint of bribery " Some editions read quaccunque, &c. " To ac- 
complish whatever they can," &c. The reading in the text, how- 
ever, is more animated and forcible. 

7. AUisque. u And to others," namely, of the nobility. — Aucio- 
ntas. M Influence" in the senate. — Liridia. u Odium." — In 
gratiam eij u Into the good graces and favour." 

8. Singulos ex senatu ambiundo. "By going around to each 
individual of the senate," i. e. by a personal application to the 
senators individually. — Nc gravius in cum consuleretur. " That 
too severe measures should not be taken against him." 

9. Scnatus. u An audience on the part of the senate." 

10. Procuratione. "In the administration of it." — Ceterum jus 
et impcrium, &c. " That the rightful sovereignty, however, was 
vested in you." Literally, " that the right and sovereignty," &c. 

1. Cogtmtorum. " Of kindred." — Adfinium. " Of relatives." Q 
Cognati are relations by the father's side ; Agnati, on the mo- 
ther's side ; Adfines, by marriage. Compare Taylor's ElemciUs of 

the Civil Law, p. 314 seq., and Hills Synonyms, p. 61. 

2. Habere. Some editions if id habiturum esse. The present, 



132 



NOTES TO THE 



Page. 

9 however, is more forcible, and carries with it an air of greater eer- 
tainty. — Cum a%itarem. u WUl I was zealously acting in ac- 
cordance with." The student will note the peculiar force of the 
jam ab ttrtpe. <1 even by my very 

lineage the ally and friend," dec. i. e. the hereditary ally and friend. 
3. At que ego, cVc. The general idea, intended to be co n ve y ed 
by this \\ hole passage, is as follows : I could have wished, cons crip t 
fathers, since I was destined to be plunged into this misery, that 
i^ht have been able to implore your aid, rather on account o: 

than those of my ancestors; and above all, that I 
might have merited the gratitude ot tout needing her pro- 

tection ; or that, in case I did stand in need of it. I might have 
received it as i As, however, innocence is of itself but a 

weak defence, dec. 

lcrcdasifro/uuj<-m.— Mea. " Services thai 
I mi j'.' have rendered." — Ob majorum benefow "On account of 
ancestors." — Ac marmme. " And above all." — 
Del I at favours might have been owing to me 

undumea more freely, " in the next pi < 

Equivalent to secundo loco qutbuj Some editions read wmsiiw 
i a comma after it, separating it from ea. Se cu ndum will them 
mean M in the next place," and ca be joined m construction with 
detidcranda t stent. 

que miAi tn manu fu i ny power to 

of Jiigunha.'* laterally, "to effect what kind 

•rrson Jugurtha shoui ret the verb eficcr* may 

be understood, although this is not necessary, since the clause, 

quahs foret Jugurtk*, may be regarded as the subject nominal 

I i tempore, \c This lasers to the Romans, who were, at the 
tini- alludes, engaged in an important and 

cult wat with the Carthaginians, and might be faithful, but could 
not, when their resources were thus pre-occupied, prove very ^kHrt 
allies. Ejus refers to popuio Romano. 

7. Quorum progeniem. Supply me. Quorum refers to fmmikm\ 
a €0 a! to the idea of majorts implied in 

cau> )'form*hu utrumms. •• Forlorn and 

wreathed." 

8. Tamen erat. M Still it were." £>«/ is here need instead of 
•aaj i of certainty by means of the uxi ^ 'fas 
cujusqtuun, cV that the kingdom of no one should i 
mpo amission of crime." There is no need of 
demanding, as some do, the verb n*/i after atfui. 



JUGIRTHINE WAR. 133 

Page. 
I r m in m^a injuria, cVc. u You are treated with contempt in Q 
the injustice that is done me." Despicere always implies that the 
person despising thinks meanly of the person despised, as compared 
with himself. Contemner e denotes the absolute vi : an 

10. Potissumum. " Of all ot!.. 

1 1 . Sempeme m sanguine, 6l i we always be exposed 
to the horrors of bloodshed, to the sword, to exile " — lncolumes. 

.verful." Literally, M saft . I Roman power and do- 

n — Jure 'As a matter of cour* are 

ixeeessitatis. 

i prstis. " That pl.i. e Cartha*;; m M 10 

t^ttatximus tquentlv employed 

by 8. ne siraph- lness to the s T | 

tbamus is here put for agebamus — Quts for qutbus. — Quern 
tussissetts t4 Hun, whom you might havt is to regard as 

such." 

■is. An archaism for test efferent, M va- 

humed away." — Atque eodem. M And who was at 

:J U \ archaism for ixsdem — \thil minus, qn 
pecting nothing so little as violence or war, in a country subjected 

4. Eztorrem patna, Ac. The student will BD I of 

the(i Sellust here indulges tor- 

ut essem, instead of c Vc. 

ezspeetans, sicuti rulrfis, extorrts patna, domo, mops, cooper tus 

misenis, ubtns tubus quam in regno meo essem. 

Multum laborer* mm nook an arduous task." 

The prince now enters on the following argument — If my ancestors 
embraced the friendship and alliance of Rome, | I of 

indolence, nor from a wish to lead an easy and ina !»ut 

well I MJ the contrary, how many arduous labours they 

would ha\' -mi. and how much would bt expected from 

them by the Roman state as a proof of t d if they 

rendered all these services, and gave all these proofs of their Mncerity 
and attachment ; surely I, their descendant, have some right to 
expect both commiseration and aid at your b 

6. Quod in famrlia nostra fuit, 6te u WmM was IB the power 
of our family to perform, it did ; that it might lid !>', in all 
your wars." Our idiom requires the past tense of the indicative ; 
M it aided you in all your wars." 

7. Tertium. * On becoming a third," by adoption. — AUertus. 

14 



134 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

1Q Referring to Jugurtha. Some editions have alter, referring of course 
to the speaker. 

8. Generis praesidia, &c. " Air the supports of my family are 
cut off." — Naturae concessit. " Has paid the debt of nature." 
Literally, " has yielded to nature," i. e. to the universal law of 
nature. 

9. Quern minume decuit. " Whom such a deed least of all be- 
came," i. e. who should have been the last to do it. The clause 
refers to propinquus, not to fratri. 

10. Adfines, amicos, &c. " One disaster has crushed one, 
another has crushed another, of my relatives, my friends, the rest of 
those who were near to me." Sallust is very fond of the construction 
with alius. It must be repeated in translating. 

11. Pars .... acti. An instance of the figure which gram- 
marians call synesis, where the adjective, participle, &c. refer to 
the person or persons implied by a word, and do not agree in gender 
with the word itself. Acti, in this clause, and objecti, in the next, 
refer to adfines, amici, and propinqui, and agree with them in 
gender. 

12. Exigunt. "Drag out." — Necessariis. "Friendly." Ne- 
cessaria are here opposed to adversa, and denote those acts of kind- 
ness and affection which we are necessarily led to expect from those 
who are connected with us by the ties of consanguinity. And hence 
the term necessitudo is used for relationship or any intimate con- 
nexion. Adherbal expected from Jugurtha the kindness and affec- 
tion of a brother, but only met with acts of hostility. 

13. Nunc verOj &c. This is an instance of what the logicians 
call the argument a fortiori. Even though I had not been stripped 
of my kingdom and all my resources, remarks Adherbal, still, if any 
unexpected injur}'' had been done me, I would have implored your 
aid. How much more ought I to implore it now, when an exile and 
a beggar ! 

14. Omnium honestarum renim. "Of all things suitable to my 
; rank." 

15. b vestram amicitiam. " On account of your friendship 
• towards us," i. e. our alliance with you. — Majorum meorum, &c. 

" Very many a memorial of the hostilities committed by my fore- 
fathers," i. e. committed by them against the neighbouring nations 
in furtherance of the Roman power. 
J \ 1. Postremo, 3Iasinissa, &c. A new argument. I cannot obtain 
any aid from other powers ; and even if I could, the injunctions of 
my father Masinissa would not permit me to do so. He taught us 
to look to you for aid in all our difficulties. It is yours therefore to 



JfGURTHIXE WAR. 135 

Page, 
render the assistance which I claim, and the more so too, as you 1 1 
are fully able to afford it. 

2. Una nobis occidendum esse. " That we must fall along with 
it." 

3. Magni estis, &c. "You are become a great and powerful 
people." Opulentus is here equivalent to apibus potens. — Omnia 
secunda, &c. "All things prosper w T ith you, and are obedient to 
your sway," i. e. all your undertakings are crowned with success, 
and every thing yields to your power. 

4. Quos put for aliquos. — Parum cognita. u 111 understood by 
them." Referring to their ignorance of Jugurtha's real character, 
and hinting that he only wishes to make tools of them in furthering 
his own views, and screening himself from punishment. — Trans- 
vorsos. " Astray," i. e. from the path of duty and honour. 

5. Fatigare. " Are importuning." — Fingere me verba. "That 
I feign what I say," i. e. that my grievances are all pretended. — 
Cui licuerit mature. " "When I might have remained." 

6. Quod utinmm, &c. "But would that I may see." The use 
of quod before many conjunctions, &c, merely as a copulative, ap- 
pears to have arisen from the fondness of the Latin writers for the 
connexion by means of relatives. 

7. Ne. "Yes !" The more usual form is nac, from the Greek 
rat. — Qui nunc sceleribus suis, &c. " WTio is now emboldened by, 
and glories in, his crimes." 

8. Jam jam, f rater, &c. The mention of his brother in the pre- 
vious sentence, reminds him of all that brother's misfortune, and he 
bursts forth therefore into an invocation full of the strongest feeling. 
— Regnum. Understand tantum or tantummodo. So in Greek, 
fiouov is often omitted after the particles ov and jut, and must be sup- 
plied in translating. 

9. Rerum humanarum. " Of the instability of human affairs." — An 
regno consulam. " Or consult for the welfare of my kingdom," 
i. e. by making peace with the usurper, save my subjects from the 
horrors of a war. — Cujus vitae necisque, Sec. " Since my own life 
or death depends entirely on the aid which I am soliciting from 
others," i. e. since I have no other quarter from which to expect 
even personal safety but the Roman power ; while, on the other 
hand, I am every moment in dread of death from the violence of Ju- 
gurtha. 

10. Emori. " A speedy death." The mrinitive here supplies the 
place of a noun, or, more correctly speaking, is employed in its true 
character. For this mood, partaking of the nature of a noun, has 
been called by grammarians the " verb's noun," {ovo^a *pTjparo$.) 



136 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

| | The reason of this appellation is more apparent, however, m Greek, 
from its taking the prepositive article before it in all cases ; as rd 
ypatyav, tov ypafeiv, tw ypd^ew. The same construction is not un- 
known in English. Thus Spenser : — 

"For not to have been dipped in Lethe lake, 
Could save the son of Thetis from to die." 

11. Ncu jure contemtus, &c. " And that I might not appear a 
just object of contempt." Cortius reads vivere instead of jure , and 
makes it equivalent to vivcrem, regarding vidcrcr as a mere appen- 
dage to the sentence, in imitation of the Greek idiom, where words 
that, refer literally to what appears to be the case, are sometimes 
taken in the sense of reality, and refer to what is actually the case ; 
such as Qaivwj Sokco), &c. Other editions have vcrc. 

12. Neque vivere lubet. " Life neither possesses any charms '*' — 
Ite obviarn. injuriae. " Set your faces against injustice." — Tabes- 
cere. " To fall by degrees to ruin." A metaphor borrowed from 
the effects of a wasting malady on the human frame. The guilt of 
Jugurtha is to prove, if unchecked by Roman power, a corroding 
canker, that will consume by degrees all the prosperity of Nu- 
midia. 

12 1. Caussa. " The justice of their cause." — Sacatiam. "Cru- 
elty." — Vitro. " Without any provocation." — Quod injuriam, &c. 
" Because he had not been able to commit the wrong that he in- 
tended." — Ahum ac. " Other than." — Utnque. " Both parties," 
i. e. Adherbal and Jugurtha's ambassadors. 

2. Gratia depravati. " Corrupted by their influence." Pars 

depravati, by synesis. Consult note 11, page 10. — Virtutem. 
" The merit." — Gratia, voce. " By private influence, by openly 
opposing the measure." — Pro alieno scclcrc, &c. " They strove to 
screen the crime and infamy of another, as if in support of their own 
reputation." 

3. Carius. Agreeing with atquum, the nearer noun. — Cense- 
bant. The verb ccnseo is specially applied by the Roman writers 
to a senator's expression of opinion in debate. — Acmilius Scauru-s. 
Consult Historical Index.— Fatnosam impudcntcmquc. u The noto- 
rious and barefaced." Famosam is here equivalent to dc qua muJ- 
ta fama erat. — PoUuta licentia. M This gross corruption." Invi- 
diam. " Public odium." Popular resentment. — .4 consucta lubi- 
dine. " From its accustomed cupiditv." 

4. Qui. Referring to se?iatorum, as implied in pars. — Decern Ic- 
gati. " Ten commissioners." — Obtinuerat. " Had possessed 

L. Opimius. For this, and the other names that occur in the clause, 
ponsult Historical Index. — Accrrumc victoriam y &c. u Had made 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 137 

Page, 
a very cruel use of the victory gained by the nobility over the com- J *) 
mons." According to Plutarch, not less than three thousand of the 
lower orders were- slain on this occasion. (Vit. Gracch. c. 18.) 

5. Adcuratissume. " With the most studied respect." — Famae> 
fide. Some editions read fama, an old form for famae, the dative. 
We have given the regular form for the dative at once. Fide is by 
an archaism for fidei. 

6. Maureianiam. Consult Geographical Index. — Mam alteram. 
" The other." Mam is here used, by an archaism, with the force 
of the Greek article. — Specie, quam u&u, potior em. " Better in ap- 
pearance than reality." 

7. Res postulare videtur. " My subject here seems to require of 
me." — Attingere. "To touch slightly upon," i. e. to give a brief 
account. — Asperitatem. " The difficulty of travelling." Literally, 
"the wildness or ruggedness of the country." — Minus frequentata 
sunt. "Are less frequented." Cortius tdkes frequentata sunt in the 
sense of Jiabitata sunt. The other meaning, however, appears, upon 
a careful examination of the passage, to agree better with the context. 

1. De is haud facile, &c. " Of these I cannot easily speak with |3 
any degree of certainty." Is by an archaism for iis. — Absolvam. 

"I will despatch." 

2. In partem tertiam, &c. a Have reckoned Africa as a third 
part." Literally, " have set down Africa for a third part." Some 
read in parte tertia. But the best manuscripts are in favour of the 
other lection, and the literal translation we have given shows its 
propriety. — Fauci tantummodo, &c. Understand voluerunt, or 
else posuerunt. Varro is one of those who make but two divisions 
of the ancient world. His words are : " Ut omnis natura in coelum 
et terram divisa est, sic coelum in rcgiones, terra in Asiam et Eu- 
ropam." (L. L. 4.) 

3. Ea finis habet. M It has for its boundaries." Finis for fines 
Sallust, having been governor of Numidia, was well acquainted with 
the general outlines of Africa, as far as that country was known to 
the Romans. His account, however, of the early history of the 
people of Africa is of no value whatever, nor does he appear to 
have believed it himself. 

4. Fretum nostri maris et oceani. " The strait connecting our sea 
with the ocean." The straits of Gibraltar are here meant, called 
by the Romans fretum Gaditanum or Herculeum. The Mediter- 
ranean was styled mare nostrum by the Latin writers, from the 

circumstance of the Italian peninsula projecting into it. 

5. Declivem latitudinem. " A wide sloping tract." Consult Geo- 
graphical Index,— Mare saevum, importuosum. " The sea of Af- 

14* 



138 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

J 3 rica is tempestuous, and ill-supplied with harbours." The terrn 
importuosum apparently contradicts the expression portuosior, ap- 
plied at the close of the preceding chapter to the part of Numidia 
assigned by the Roman commissioners to Adherbal : there, however, 
it only means " better provided with harbours" than the part given 
to Jugurtha, without meaning to convey the idea that they were ma- 
ny in number. 

6. Arbori infecundus. Understand ferendae or some equivalent 
term. Arbori is put for arboribus. — Coelo, terra, &c. " From the 
sky, from the earth, there is a scarcity of water/' i. e. rain seldom 
falls, and the rivers and springs are few in number. — Genus homi- 
num. "The natives." Literally, " the race of men," (i. e. that 
inhabit it.) — Dtssolvit. " Gradually carries off." — Malefici generis. 
" Of a hurtful kind." 

7. Quamquam ab cafama, &c. "Although it differs from that 
account which is the prevalent one among most persons ; still, as it 
has been explained to us out of the Punic volumes, which were said 
to have been those of king Hiempsal, and as the inhabitants of that 
land deem the fact to be, I will relate in as brief a manner as pos- 
sible. The truth of the narrative, however, shall rest with the au- 
thors of it." Whatever these books may have been, it does not 
appear that the information derived from them by Sallust was of the 
most accurate character. (Compare note 3.) 

8. Gaetuli et Libyes. For these and other names occurring in 
the course of this account, consult the Historical, or Geographical 
Index, as the case may be. — Quis. For quibus. — Humi pabulum. 
"The herbage of the ground." — Vagi, palantes. " Without any 
fixed habitation, wandering to and fro." 

9. Hercules. All this is a mere fable. — Sibi quique. " Each for 
himself." Quique is put quoque, and pctcntc is in fact understood, 
though not translated. — Dilabitur. "Melts away." 

10. Intra occanum magis. H More upon the ocean," i. e. near- 
er the ocean. According to this account, which, however, is purelv 
fabulous, they settled on the coast of Africa, without the straits of 
Gibraltar, where the land, bending outward, appears to be embraced 
by the Atlantic, and, as it were, folded in its arms. Hence tne lit- 
eral meaning of the text is, "more within the ocean." 

11. Emundi, ant )nuta?idi. " Of obtaining it by purchase or ex- 
change." Referring to the timber. — Ignara lingua. M An un- 
known language," i. e. an ignorance of the language spoken in that 
country. — Commercia. "All traffic." 

14 1- Tentantes agros. "In trying the pasturage." — Xumidas. 
The etymology here given is of no value whatever. If the name 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 139 

Page 
Numidae really denote a pastoral people, and be derived from J^ 
vdfir], (" pasture,") as Sallust supposes, it must have been given to 
the people who bore it by the Greeks, among whom the term 
No^dcfcs was applied to pastoral nations in general. Le Clere (ad 
Genes. 10, 6.) derives the appellation Numidae from the Phoenician 
Nemoudim, "wanderers/* 

2. Mapalia. This term appears to be analogous to our English 
word "huts." The Numidian mapalia were constructed of reeds 
and other similar materials, according to Silius Italicus (17, 88.) 
From Sallust's description they would seem to have resembled the 
dwellings of many barbarous tribes of the present day. The ancient 
writers make mention also of Numidian magatia. According to 
some, the magatia were fixed abodes, forming villages and towns ; 
whereas the mapalia were moveable dwellings, and were carried 
about on wagons according as this nomadic race changed their 
place of residence. Mapalia has the first syllable short, but magalia 
long. Servius makes the true orthography of the latter magaria t 
and derives the word from the Phoenician magar, equivalent as he 
informs us, to the Latin " villa." 

3. Incurvis laterihis tecta. " Formed of sloping sides meeting 
at the top in a roof." — Carinae. " The hulls." 

4. Sub sole magis. " More under the sun," i. e. nearer the 
equator. — Ab ardoribus. " From the heats of the torrid zone." — 
Hique. Referring to the Medes and Armenians united with the 
Libyans. — Freto. " Merely by a strait." Understand tantum. 

5. Mauros pro Mcdis adpellantes. This etymology is of no value. 
Bochart, with more probability, deduces the name Mauri from the 
Phoenician Mauharim, meaning " the farthest people," for after the 
Mauri came the Western ocean. 

6. Nomine Numidae. " Under the name of Numidians." Their 
new name. — Propter multitudxuem. " In consequence of an over- 
flowing population." — Quae, proxume Carthaginem. " Which, 
lying in the immediate vicinity of Carthage." The student will 
note the construction, loca, quae .... appcllatur. The relative 
here agrees with the following word in the singular, in place of that 
verb being put in the plural. It is the usual practice of Cicero 
to connect the relative in agreement or gender with a following 
word. Some grammarians term this the Greek construction. 

7. Utrique. Referring to the parent state of the Numidians, and 
to the colony that went forth from it. — Hi, qui ad nostrum, &c. 
Referring to the colony alone. — Quia Libyes, &c. The reason 
assigned by Sallust for the more rapid growth and the greater repu- 
tation of the colony is, that they encountered in the Libyans a foe of 



140 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

14 no g*^ power and of no very warlike habits. Hence they soon 
made themselves conspicuous by the conquest of these. Whereas 
the parent state, though it had become in some degree united with 
the Gaetuli by intermarriage, yet still found in many tribes of that 
nation very powerful opponents, who prevented by their continual 
hostilities any very rapid increase of national strength. It will be 
perceived that Sallust, in the course of this history, makes the 
Gaetuli a distinct people from the Numidians, so that the union to 
which he refers could not have been a very strong or extensive one. 

8. Pars inferior. Referring to the part " nearer the sea," i. e. 
the shores of the Mediterranean. — Concessere. " Became merged." 
— Imperantium. " Of their conquerors." The imperantes are the 
members of the colony, the victi omnes are the Libyans. 

9. Originibus. " To their parent states," i. e. the cities of 
Phoenicia, from which the colonies that founded them had come. 

10. Ad Catabathmon. "Beginning with the Catabathmus." 
More literally, " On the side of the Catabathmus." The Catabath- 
mus, it will be remembered, was made, in the 17th chapter, the 
eastern limit of Africa, by which arrangement Egypt became part of 
Asia. — Secundo mari. "And following the seacoast." 

11. Thereon. The Greek genitive plural (QnpaTuiv) Latinized, 
and put for the more common Latin form Theracorum. The The- 
reans were the natives of Thera. Consult Geographical Index. 

12. Leptis. The city of Leptis Magna is here meant. The one 
alluded to in the beginning of the chapter is Leptis Parva. 

13. Philaenon arae. " The altars of the Philaeni." We have 
here the Greek genitive plural ($i\aiv<ov) again Latinized. An ac- 
count of the Philaeni, and the manner of their death, is given in the 
79th chapter of this history. — Quern. Understand locum. 

14. Post. " After this," put for postea. — Super Numidui77i. 
" To the south of Numidia," i. e. above Numidia in an inland di- 
rection. — Alios iiicukius vagos agitare. " That others, being in a 
less civilized state, lead a wandering life." Agitare is put for the 
simple verb agere, to give a fuller sound to the clause, a practice 
very common in Sallust. 

15. Atihiopas. The Aethiopes, according to our historian, would 
seem to have occupied the central parts of Africa from east to west. 

16. Pleraque ex Punicis oppida. The more usual form would 
be pleraque ex Pimicis oppidis. The Greek idiom is here imitated. 
— Quos ?wi'issume habuerant. " Of which that power had been 
latest possessed." Referring to the territories of the Carthaginians 
just before their overthrow by the Romans. Habuerant applies to 
the Carthaginians, not to the Romans. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 141 

Page. 

1. Imperitabat. For the simple verb tmperabat. Consult note 14, "I rj 
page 14. — Cetera. " In all other respects." 

2. Timor em animi. An archaism for timorem alone. — Praemia 
sceleris. " The rewards of his guilt," i. e. impunity, and the half 
of Numidia, instead of the third part. — Cerium ratus. " Deeming 
that to be a fact." — Apud Numantiam. " Before Numantia," i. e. 
in the Roman camp before that place. — Animum intend.it. " He 
directs his views." 

3. Quern petehat. " At whom he aimed," i. e. whom he was 
preparing to attack. — Opportunus injuriae. " A fit subject for in- 
justice," i. e. on whom injuries might be inflicted without any 
danger. 

4. Convertit. Supply cur sum suum, or something similar. — 
Dolore permocum. " Stung with indignation." The primitive 
meaning of dolor is the smarting sensation attendant on a wound. 
It becomes therefore a strong term when applied to the moral feel- 
ings. — Eamque rem belli caussam fore. Jugurtha hoped that Adher- 
bal would be crushed by him before the Romans could interfere, 
and that then he could easily buy off the resentment of the latter. 

5. Contumeliosa dicta. " An insulting reply." Contumelia t 
whence the adjective is formed, generally denotes a direct and 
studied insult, and is somewhat analogous, in this respect, to the 
Greek v,3pts. — Quia tentatum antea, &c. " Because, when tried 
on a former occasion, it had eventuated otherwise than he had ex- 
pected," i. e. it had not succeeded according to his expectations, 
{cesser at secus ac speraverat.) 

6. Animo jam invaserat. " He had already grasped in thought." 
— Qua pergebat. " Wherever he marched." Qua for quacunque. 
— Praedas agere. This expression is properly applied to that 
species of booty which can be driven off, such as cattle, flocks, &c. 
In the case of inanimate plunder the verb ferre is employed. Hence 
the common phrase in Latin, agere et ferre hostilia ; in the Greek, 
ayeiv kcli <p£peiv. 

7. Eo proce&sum. " That matters had come to such a pass,"— • 
Necessario. Equivalent to necessitate coactus, and implying that 
Adherbal only took up arms because absolutely forced so to do. The 
term necessario, therefore, does not appear superfluous in this pas- 
sage, as some contend. — Die extremum. We have here the old 
form of the genitive singular of dies, instead of diei. Compare the 
words of Priscian : — " Veteres frequentissime inveniuntur similem 
ablativo protulisse in hoc declinatione (scil. quinta) tarn genitivum 
quam dativum." (7, 19.) 

1. Obscuro etiam turn lumine. "The light (of the approaching 16 



142 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

16 day) being still as yet obscure." — Partim. " Some." — Togatorum. 
" Of Romans." Referring to the Romans (whether natives of Rome 
or provincials enjoying the rights of citizenship) who were dwelling 
at Cirta for commercial or other purposes. The Romans, from their 
use of the toga, were called gens togata, or simply togati. The 
Greeks, from their wearing the pallium, were denominated by the 
Romans, palliati, or gens palliata ; and the Gauls, from their use of 
the braccae, a species of striped under-garments,, gens braccata. 

2. Vineis. The vineae were machines in the form of sheds, and 
constructed of wood and hurdles, covered with earth or raw hides, 
or any materials which could not easily be set on fire. They were 
pushed forward by wheels below. Under them the besiegers either 
worked the ram, or tried to undermine the walls. — Turribusque. 
The tarres, or towers, were of two kinds ; fixed and moveable. The 
fixed towers w r ere raised on the agger, or mound, and consisted of 
different stories, from which showers of darts and stones were dis- 
charged by means of engines called catapultae, balistae, and 
scorpiones. The moveable towers were pushed forward and brought 
back on wheels, fixed below, on the inside of the planks. To 
prevent them from being set on fire by the enemy, the towers, 
both fixed and moveable, but more particularly the latter, were 
covered with raw hides, and pieces of coarse cloth, and mattresses. 

3. Tempus legatorum antccapere. " To anticipate the return of 
the ambassadors." — Tres adolescentes. Cortius thinks that these 
words are a mere gloss, and ought to be removed from the text. 
The opinion does not seem very probable, as a copyist would in all 
likelihood have added any thing else rather than these particular 
words. Compare also chapter 25, where it is stated that majores 
natu, nobiles, amplis honoribus, were sent as ambassadors. Tres 
adolescentes, therefore, is in the manner of Sallust. 

4. Velle et censere. " That it w r as their wish and determination." 
The formal language used on such occasions. Velle, " to will a 
measure," properly applies to the people, and censere, " to determine, 
after mature deliberation," to the senate. — Seque illisque. Se re- 
fers here to the senate and people, Mis to Jugurtha and Adherbal. 

5. Clemens. "A mild one," i. e. softening down the atrocity of 
the act. — Oratione. " The embassy." — Nbn malitia. " Not by 
any evil arts." Jugurtha craftily endeavours to call off the attention 
of the Roman ambassadors from his recent crimes, by referring to 
his former meritorious conduct. — Ob easdem artis. " That, from 
the exercise of the same good qualities." — Non penuria. "Not 
from any want." — Adopt atum. This remark of Jugurtha appa- 
rently contradicts what has alreadv been said in chapter 10, cxistu- 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 143 

Page. 
mans non minus me tibi quam liber is, si genuisscm, &c. but it will Jg 
be remembered that Jugurtha, although taken into Micipsa's family 
when very young, and before that monarch had any children of his 
own, was not actually adopted until three years before Micipsa's 
death, when the latter had sons who were grown up. 

6. Neque recte, neque pro bono. " Neither justly nor for their 
own interests." — Sese. Referring to Jugurtha. In strict Latinity, 
if a second subject be introduced, se refers to that subject, and is 
should be used for the first. This rule is neglected, however, in 
some instances, where no ambiguity can arise. Thus, in the present 
case, sese can only refer to Jugurtha, and in no way to the Romans. 

7. Utrique digrcdiuntur. " They each separate," i. e. the am- 
bassadors and Jugurtha. — Copia non fiat. The ambassadors had 
no opportunity afforded them." 

1. VaXlo. In besieging a place, the Roman mode, which Ju- 17 
gurtha here imitates, was to draw lines composed of a rampart and 
ditch, and sometimes a solid wall of considerable height and thick- 
ness, flanked with towers, at proper distances, around the whole. — 
Turris. Fixed towers are here meant. Consult note 2, page 16. 

2. Formidinem. " What was calculated to alarm." — Prorsus 
i?itentus. " Wholly bent on the object he had in view." 

3. Hostcm infestum. " That his enemy was implacable against 
him," i. e. was bent on his ruin. — Miscrando casum suum. " By 
exciting their compassion for his own hard lot." — Confirmat. " He 
prevails on them." 

4. Rccitatae. "Was read aloud." Legere, "to read," to 
pause with the eyes without uttering any sound. Recitare, "to 
read aloud," that others may hear. 

5. Neque vos, &c. This is skilfully framed to excite the indig- 
nation of the Romans against Jugurtha. — In animo habeat. " He 
cares for," i. e. allows to occupy his thoughts. — Quam. Malit, 
being equivalent to magis velit, supercedes the necessity of insert- 
ing magis before quam. — Urgucar. An archaism for urgear. 

6. Plura de Jugurtha, &c. " My wretched condition dissuades 
me from writing more respecting Jugurtha.", 

7. Nisi tamen, intelligo, &c. The preceding clause, from etiam 
antea to miseris esse, is to be taken parenthetically ; and then nisi, 
in the sense of praeterquam, will serve to correct the assertion made 
in the words plura de Jugurtha, &c. The literal translation will be, 
" Save this one thing, however, that I perceive he is aiming at 
something higher than myself." A freer version, however, will 
render the connexion more apparent : " Only this, however, I will 
add, that I perceive," &c. 



144 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

2*7 8. Gravius. " The more important." 

9. Quae sane fuerint, &c. Quae, as beginning a clause, is here 
elegantly used in the sense of haec : " These, I allow, may have 
been our own private wrongs ; they may have been of no concern 
to you." The construction of quis just alluded to, as also the analo- 
gous usage of the relative for et is, or et Me, take place when no 
particular stress is to be laid on the relative clause. 

10. Quid reliquum, &c. The order of ideas is as follows : No- 
thing now remains by which he can be shaken from his wicked pur- 
pose, except your power; for I am completely destitute of the meansof 
successfully opposing him. 0, would that this were not so ! In that 
event, I would not be suffering under the loadof present wretchedness. 

11. Ut Jugurthae scelerum, &c. "That I might be a proof of 
the wickedness of Jugurtha." Equivalent to ut ostenderetur in me, 
quid scelcris patrare posset Jugurtha. — Tantummodo dcprecor. " I 
only pray to be saved from." — Per amicitiac fidcm. " By the ties 
of friendship," i. e. by the faith of that friendship which exists be- 
tween us. 

|g 1. De Jugurtha interim, &c. " That Jugurtha's conduct should 
in the meantime be taken into consideration." — Faittoribus. " Par- 
tisans." — Summa ope enisum. " Every effort was made." Enisum 
is here used passively. — Devictum. " Was thwarted." 

2. Amplis honoribus. " Who had borne the highest offices in 
the state." — Senati princeps. Sallust uses senatus as of two declen- 
sions, the second and fourth. The office of princeps senatus, called 
principatus, conferred no command or emolument, but yet was 
esteemed the very highest in point of dignity, and was usually re- 
tained for life. At first, it was given to the oldest person of censo- 
rian rank in the house ; but, after A. U. C. 544, to him whom the cen- 
sors thought most worthy. At a later period, the emperor was 
named princeps, and then for the firct time the idea of power began 
to be attached to the word. 

3. In invidia. " Involved in great public odium," i. e. was ex- 
citing great popular resentment. — Escendere. An archaism for 
ascender e. 

4. Contra inccptum suum. "To thwart his design." — Metu 
atque luhidine, &c. " Was distracted between fear and ambition," 
— Cupidine coccus. " Blinded by his eagerness for dominion." — Ad. 
"To the execution of." — Vtcit tamcn, &c. "Evil suggestions, 
however, gained the ascendency in his ambitious soul." — Sccus. 
" Otherwise than he had expected." Sccus ac putavcrat. 

5. Conveniret. Convcnio, with the accusative, has the significa- 
tion of " to meet with." — Provinciam. Consult note 4, page 8. — 



JUGt T RTHINE WAR. 145 

Page. 
Multa tamen ordtione consumta. " Yet, after a long and fruitless Jg 
discussion." — Frustra. " Without accomplishing their object.'' 

6. Italici. Called in the 21st chapter togati, (consult note 1, 
page 16.) and at the close of the present one, negotiatores.^Befensa- 
bantur. " Were wont to be vigorously defended." The student will 
mark the forceof the frequentative.— Paciscatur. "To stipulate for." 

1. Potiora. "More worthy of reliance." — Excruciatumnecat. To JQ 
be rendered as two verbs. " Tortures and puts to death." The 
participle is often elegantly put under the government of the verb in 

the succeeding clause ; an arrangement which sometimes contributes 
much to perspicuity, as well as precision. — Omnis puberes " All 
the young men." — Negotiatores. Referring to the Italian traders. — 
Obvius. " Came in contact with." 

2. Ministti. " Tools." Sallust here purposely employs the 
term minis tri, to convey to the reader a just idea of the degrading 
conduct of the Roman nobility. — Inter pcllando. " By interrupting 
the course of public business."— Gratia. " By their influence with 
individual senators. '* — Leniebant. " Strove to soften down." 

3. Tribunusplebis. The tribunes of the commons were the famous 
popular magistrates, who, by repeated attacks on the nobility, event- 
ually brought over the government of Rome from an aristocratic to 
a democratical form. They were created originally A. U. C. 260, 
at the time of the secession to the sacred mount, for the purpose 
of protecting the rights of the people. Their power was almost 
destroyed by Sylla, but was subsequently re-established in the time 
of Pompey and Crassus. They then became mere tools in the 
hands of the leading men. 

4. Vir accr, &c. " A spirited man, and an active foe to the power 
of the nobility." — Potentia. This term generally refers to power of 
our own acquiring ; potestas, to delegated authority. The former 
answers to the Greek term Jt^a^is, the latter to i'$ov<jia. Here the 
power of the nobility is called potentia, from its being of a usurped 
character. — Id agi. " That this was in agitation," or more freely 
" that the design of all this was." 

5. Profecto omnis invidia. die. " Beyond a doubt, all the indig- 
nation to which the affair had given rise, would have died gradually 
away, in consequence of the frequent postponements of their delib- 
erations." The indicative dilapsa erat is here used in place of the 
potential, to give more liveliness to the representation. 

6. Lege Sempronia. Originally their provinces used to be de- 
creed to the consuls by the senate after the election, or when they 
had entered on their office. But, by the Sempronian law, proposed 
by C. Sempronius Gracchus, and passed A. U. C. 631, the senate 

15 



146 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

"I Q were required to decree two provinces to the future consuls, before 
their election — Obvenit. " Fell by lot." The consuls arranged 
their provinces by lot or agreement. — Scribitur. "Is levied." The 
names of the soldiers enlisted were written down on tables. Hence 
scribere, "to enlist," " to levy" or "raise." 

7. Venum ire. " Were venal." In some editions, venire. — In 
animo haeserat. " He had remained under the firm impression." 
More literally, " it had adhered to him in mind." He had heard 
this first at Numantia, had already made trial of its truth, and up to 
the present moment firmly believed it. — Adgrediantur. " To make 
trial of." 

8. Recipi Moenibus. Foreign ambassadors, whom the Romans 
did not choose to receive within their walls, had an audience given 
them in the temple of Bellona, or that of Apollo, both without the 
walls ; or in the villa publico,, a building erected m the Campus Mar- 
tius, where they were also entertained during their stay. In the 
present instance, however, the question was, whether the ambassa- 
dors of Jugurtha should be received at all. 

9. Diebus proxumis decern. The term prorumis is here regarded 
by many editors as superfluous. It suits rather the fulness of 
phraseology peculiar to an official document. 

10. Legat sibi. " Selects for his lieutenants." — Factiosos. " Of 
an intriguing spirit." — Quorum auctori/ate, die. M By whose in- 
fluence, he hoped that any errors he might commit would be screen- 
ed from punishment." — Natura et habitu. " Disposition and char- 
acter," Natura refers here to the innate qualities, habitus to the 
manner of acting in life. 

20 1- Artcs. "Qualities." — Acriingcnio. " Of a penetrating turn 
of mind." — Satis providens > "Possessed of foresight enough," 
i. e. for a military commander. 

2. Animus aegcr avaritia. " His spirit, corrupted by avarice, un- 
derwent an easy change." — Socius et administer. " As an accom- 
plice and agent. "—Ex factionc. " Of his own party."— Impugnarcrat. 
" He had opposed." — Pecuniae. " Of the bribe," that was offered. 

3. Redimcbat. "Purchased." More literally, " bargained for." — 
De omnibus pactiombus. "About a general treatv." More lite- 
rally, "about all the stipulations (or articles) of a treaty." 

4. Fidei caussa. " For the sake of inspiring Jugurtha with confi- 
dence," i. e. as a pledge of good faith. — Species. " The pretence." 
— Quaniam deditionis mora, &c. " Since a truce was prevailing by 
reason of the delay necessarily consequent on a surrender,'' i, e. a 
truce was prevailing until a surrender, which of course occupied 
some time, should be made by Jugurtha. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 147 

Page. 

5. Praesenti consilio. " In presence of the council of war." 20 
The Roman military council was composed of the lieutenant-gene- 
rals, and the tribunes of the soldiers, together with the oldest cen- 
turion in the legion, the commander-in-chief presiding. — De invidia 
fucti. " Concerning the odium to which his conduct had given 
rise," i. e.. for the purpose of exculpating himself from the odium to 
which, &c. 

6. Quasi per saturam, <kc. " The opinions of the council being 
asked in a hasty and confused manner as it were." More literally, 
though less elegantly, "having been taken as it were by the gross 
or lump." We have nothing in English that can answer as a close 
and exact translation of the phrase per saturam. The term satura 
is properly an adjective with lanx understood, and signifies, literally, 
the dish or platter, annually filled with all sorts of fruits, and offered 
to the gods as the first-fruits of the season. From this medley, the 
term is figuratively used in our text to denote a confused and pro- 
miscuous collecting of the votes. In like manner, a lex satura 
(where satura is again merely an adjective, agreeing with /ex,) was 
one that embraced many topics unconnected with each other ; and 
it was a rule of the Roman code, that no existing law be abrogated 
by a lex satura, on account of the unfairness of such a mode of pro- 
ceeding, and the facilities which it afforded for taking by surprise. 
So, again, the Latin tenn satira, takes its name from this source, 
in consequence of the medley of verses of different metres, and 
topics of various natures, which the earlier writers of satire were 
accustomed to employ. Varro even mixed prose with poetry, and 
called these pieces satirae. 

7. Pro cousilio. " Before the council." This signification of 
pro is derived immediately from that of the Greek irpd. — Ad magis- 
tratus rogandos. " To hold the election for magistrates." More 
literally, " to preside at," &c. The usual beginning of all applica- 
tions to the people was Vclitis, jubeatis, Quirites ; and thus the 
people were said to be consulted or asked, {consuli siverogari,) and 
the presiding magistrate to consult or ask them. Hence rogare 
magistrates, " to create magistrates," or, as here, to preside at their 
election; rogare quaesitores, "to appoint commissioners." And 
hence also, rogatio is a " bill," while the matter is still pending, 
but lex, " a law," when it has been favourably received by the 
people. 

1. De facto consulis agitari. " The conduct of the consul was a g J 
theme of conversation." — Gravis invidia. " Deep indignation."— 
Patres probarentne" &c. In translating this clause, the emphasis 
must be made to fall on patres, as opposed to plebem in the previous 



148 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

21 part of the sentence, and patres will then have in our idiom the force 
of an accusative, (as if governed by quod ad understood,) though in 
fact the nominative to probarent. " As to the senate, it was uncer- 
tain whether they would approve of so dishonourable a course ol 
conduct," &c. 

2. Clara poll ens que fuit. " Was distinguished and influential," 
i. e. was of a high character itself, and exercised a strong influence 
over the minds of the people. — Perscriberc. " To give entire." 
The speech, however, although this phraseology is here employed, 
is the mere production of the historian.— -Ac potissumum. Under- 
stand earn orationem. 

3. Dehortantur. The indicative is used here, in the place of the 
subjunctive dehortentur, to impart more force and certainty to the 
sentence. Render the whole clause as follows : M Did not, O Ro- 
mans, my zeal for the public welfare overcome even* other consid- 
eration, many things would dissuade me from espousing your cause." 
If dehor tar entur and supcrarent had been employed, the meaning 
would have been : " Had not a regard, &c. overcome every other 
consideration, many things would have dissuaded me," &c 

4. His annis quindcnm. Twenty-two years had in fact elapsed 
since the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and ten since that of his 
brother Caius. Sallust, if the reading be correct, takes a kind ot 
middle period between the two dates. — Quam ludibrio fucritis. 
"What a sport you have been," i. e. with what insolent scorn 
you have been treated. — Yestri defensores. Alluding particularly 
to the Gracchi. 

5. Ut vobis, &c. -'To what a degree your spirit lias become 
enfeebled by cowardice and sloth " — Ignacia properly denotes slow- 
ness and want of spirit in accomplishing what is already begun ; se- 
cordia, want of heart to begin, slowness in deliberating, &c. 

6. Obnoxiis inimicis. " When your enemies are in your power," 
i.e. in consequence of their corruption and guilt (ob noxam.) 

7. Certe ego libertatcm, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed 
is this : If I cannot break the power of the opposite faction, I still will 
try to preserve my own freedom. That freedom is the inheritance I 
received from my fathers ; it is my own property, and I will enjoy it 
as my own, but then I must be aided in this by you. Certe ma 
here rendered by " at least." 

8. Ob rem. " To the purpose," i. e. successfully. — In restra 
manu situm. M Depends entirely on vou." 

9. Neque ego hortor, &c. After having told the people that it 
will depend entirely on them whether he succeed in his attempt to 
assert his own freedom or not, he seeks to urge them on by the I 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 149 

Page. 
nature of the enterprise. There will be no need of arms, no need O \ 
of a secession, &c. When he speaks of asserting his own freedom, 
he means of course theirs also, only this way of expressing himself 
is more calculated to arouse their feelings. 

10. Secessione. Three secessions of the people are recorded in 
Roman history. The first took place, A. U. C. 260, on account of 
the severity of creditors, and was made to the sacred mount. The 
second was occasioned by the conduct of Appius Claudius, the 
decemvir, and was made first to the Aventine, and afterwards to 
the sacred mount. It happened, A. U. C. 305. The third was pro- 
duced by the same cause as the first, and was made to the Janicu- 
lum, A. U. C. 466. 

11. Suomet more. " In their own way," i. e. by the natural con- 
sequences of their vices and crimes. 

12. Quaestiones habitae sunt. " Severe investigations were in- 
stituted." Velleius Paterculus (2, 6.) informs us, that after the 
murder of Tiberius Gracchus, the consuls Rutilius and Popilius 
pursued very cruel and vigorous measures against the partisans of 
that individual. — Post C. Gracchi et M. Fulvii caedem, &c. Con- 
sult Historical Index. 

13. Utnusque cladis. " Of either massacre." 

14. Scd sane fucrit, &c. u But let it indeed have been an aim- 
ing at supreme power (on the part of the Gracchi) to attempt the 
restoration of their rights to the people. Let whatever cannot 
be punished without shedding the blood of Roman citizens, have 
been justly done." — Ulcisci is here used passively, and nequitur is 
the passive form put, by an archaism, for ncquit. The passage be- 
fore us is an ironical concession on the part of Memmius, and the 
train of ideas is as follows : I admit that the Gracchi, in seeking to 
restore the rights of the Roman people, were in fact only aiming at 
sovereign power. I am willing to allow, that the nobility, in punish- 
ing with death the attempts of the Gracchi and their partisans, acted 
with strict justice, since these attempts could have been punished 
in no other way. But let me ask you, did these exploits close the 
catalogue 1 Year after year you have beheld with silent indignation 
the pillage of your treasury, &c. 

1. Summam gloriam. " The highest honours," i. e. the highest 22 
civil and military preferments. — Parum habuere. " They have es- 
teemed it a trifling matter." 

2. Incedunt per or a vestra magnifice. " They move with an air of 
grandeur before your very faces." — Ostentantes. H Displaying with 
insulting parade." — Perinde quasi. * Just as if." 

3. Imperio nati. " Bora for empire." The dative is here used 



150 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

22 to denote continuance. The common, but less emphatic form, 
would be, ad imperandum nati. 

4. Occidisse tribunos plebis. " The having put to death tri- 
bunes of the commons." The infinitive is here employed in its 
original force of a verbal noun, governing the case of its verb. So 
cacdcm in vosfccissc, a little after. The allusion is to the Gracchi. 
The persons of the tribunes were sacred, and whoever injured one 
of these magistrates in word or deed was held accursed, and his 
property was confiscated 

5. Quacstioncsiniquas. " Iniquitous prosecutions.'' — Pcssumc. 
The adverbs pcssumc and maxumc have heie the force of compara- 
tives. The comparative is often used for the superlative in Latin ; 
the construction of the superlative for the comparative is much more 
rare. 

6. Mctum a scclcrc suo, &c. The meaning intended to be con- 
veyed is this : the fear which the nobility ought to entertain on ac- 
count of their crimes, they have made you feel, because you are too 
spiritless to oppose them. — Inter malos f actio. " It is faction when 
found among the wicked." 

7. Quod si tarn liber talis, &c. " But if you had as strong a re- 
gard for the preservation of your own freedom, as they are inflamed 
with the desire of tyrannising over you." Tarn, quam, equivalent 
here to tantam, quantum. — Bcneficia vestra. " Your favours." The 
consulship, praetorship, priesthood, &c. 

8. Bis, per scccssionem. Consult note 10, page 21. — Avcntinum. 
The Aventine was the most extensive of all the hills on which Rome 
was built. It received its name from an Alban king, who was 
buried on it, and was the spot which Remus chose to take the 
omens. On this last account it was generally regarded as a place 
of evil omen ; and, therefore, according to Aulus Gellius, was not 
included within the Pomacrium. But other and better authorities 
make it to have been joined to the city by Ancus Martius. Com- 
pare Liv. 1, 33. Dion. Hal. 3, 43. 

9. Quo majus dedecus, &c. Compare Thucydides (2. 6*2.) 
AtV^iov s^ovras d<paipe9fji>ai, i/ Kriofthovg drvyrjcai. 

10. Vnulica?idum in eos, &c. Understand censco before, and 
esse after, tindicandum. "My opinion is, that punishment should 
be inflicted upon those," &c. — Non manu ncquc vi. *' Not by the 
hand of force, nor by open violence." — Quod masris fecisse, &c. 
" Which would be more unbecoming for you to have done, than to 
have happened unto them," i. e. a mode of punishment which they 
deserve, but which it does not become your dignity as a people to 
inflict. — Quacstionihis. " By public prosecutions." 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 151 

Page. 
11. Qui si dediticius est, &c. A dilemma. The surrender in 22 
question is either real or unreal. If real, the Numidian will come 
in obedience to your command ; if unreal, he will not come ; but 
then his absence will form the strongest testimony against those 
whom we wish to convict by his evidence when present. 

1. Ilia. By ilia tempora he means the period immediately sub- 2*? 
sequent to the slaughter of the Gracchi, when every thing was in 

the hands of the aristocracy. By haec tempora he designates the 
present moment, when the people are beginning to be aroused to an 
asserting of their rights. 

2. Leges, jura. "Laws, justice." The term leges here em- 
braces every thing relating to the administration of the state ; and 
jura, on the other hand, the rights and privileges of private 
citizens, which rely for support on the impartial dispensing of jus- 
tice. — Bella, paces. The control of war and peace is here meant. 
Paces, in the plural number, is not very frequent in its occurrence, 
though used, notwithstanding, by some of the best writers. Compare 
Horace, (Ep. 1, 3, 8.) "Bella quis et paces longum diffundit in 
aevum." 

3. Vos autem, &c. He addresses the plebeians merely, but, in 
order to animate them the more, he speaks to them as if they formed 
the true and the whole Roman people, " populus Romanus." 

4. Atque ego. A transition to the danger which threatens unless 
the guilty be punished. — Casura essct. " Would be likely to end." 

5. Quantum importunitatis habent. Complete the construction 
as follows : Pro tanta import unit ate quantum importunitatis habent. 
" Such is their overbearing insolence." Precisely analogous to this 
is the use of the relative in such phrases as the following : " Quae 
tua est virtus expugjiabis," i. e. ea virtute, quae virtus tua est, 
expugnabis. " Such is your valour," &c. So again, " cujus est, 
hnitatis Galba promisit.^ M Galba, with his usual lenity, pro- 
mised," i. e. ea lenitate cujus est lenitatis. 

6. Deinde faciundi. "Of acting so again," i. e. of repeating 
their misconduct. — Aut serviundum esse. " That you must either 
remain slaves." — Per manus. " By force." 

7. In tarn divorsis mentibus. " Between minds actuated by such 
opposite sentiments." — Peculatus aeram. u Embezzlement of the 
public money." The speaker is endeavouring to show the full 
enormity of the conduct of Bestia and Scaurus, by comparing it 
with acts of a flagrant nature on the part of others, but which sink, 
by the side of the former, into comparative insignificance. 

8. Consuetudine. " From the influence of custom." Compare 
the words assigned to Cato, in the 52d chapter of Catiline : " Sint 



152 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

23 sane i quoniamitase mores habent, liberales ex sociorum fortunis-." — 
Hosti accrrumo. Jugurtha. — Imperiumvcstrum. " Your power," 
i. e. your dignity and independence as a people. 

9. Quae nisi quaesita erunt. u And unless these things shall be 
inquired into." — Id est re gem esse. The more usual form of ex- 
pression would be rex esse, but we may suppose eum to be under- 
stood in construction before esse, i. e. eum esse regem. The -term 
rex is here equivalent to u tyrant." 

10. Ad hoc, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : If 
you punish the bad, you deter from the commission of offences ; 
and, if offences be not committed, you will seldom need the aid of 
the good for your protection, and will consequently be under no 
very strong obligation to bestow favours upon them for their 
services. 

24 \. L. Cassius. He was not long after, when consul, defeated 
bv the Hclvetii in Gaul. {Lie. Epit. 65.) — Intcrposita fide publico,. 
" The public faith being pledged for his personal sai\ 

2. Quos pecuniae captae arcesscbant. " Whom they accused of 
having taken money," i. e. who were then under accusation of 
bribery. Arccsso, strictly speaking, signifies " to send for." M to 
summon," and has here the force of in jus vocare. We must un 
derstand after it, in construction, the word criminc, which is some- 
times expressed, as reneni criminc arccssi. Suet. Tib. 53. 

3. Elcphantos. These were the elephants which Jugurtha had 
surrendered to the Romans, as mentioned in chap. 29. — Pacatis. 
Understand rcgwnibus. — Agcbant. The student will observe the 
change of moods in tradcrent, vendor, and agcbtvit. So we have 
in Catiline (c. 21.) incrcpat, laudarc. and admoncbat, in succession. 
— Vchtti tabes. " Like some infection." The primitive meaning 
of tabes is " a wasting malady." The term is here employed figu- 
ratively to denote the infection or contagion arising from such a 
disorder. 

4. Pcrlata rogationc, &c. M The bill proposed by Caius Mem- 
mius being carried through," i. e. having become a law. Compare 
note 7, page 20. — Ex conscicntia. u From a consciousness of guilt." 
— Quo. In the sense of quoniam. Compare Catiline, chap. 34. 
" Non quo sibi tanti scclcns conscius,'' where it occurs in the sense 
of quod, '*» because." — Taris ca tempestate, &c. "Such at that 
time was the reputation of Cassius." More literally, "such was 
the opinion entertained at that time of Cassius." 

5. Contrm decus regium. u In a manner unbecoming a king." 
— Cultu quam maxumc miscrabili. "Attired in a way that was 
calculated as much as possible to excite compassion." Cultu* 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 153 

Page, 
refers here not merely to the garb, but to the entire exterior, and the £4 
clause might be rendered more freely, " With an exterior that was 
calculated,*' &c. So among the Romans, an accused person (reus) 
was wont to change his dress, lay aside every kind of ornament, let 
his hair and beard grow, and go round in this state to solicit the 
favour of the people. 

6. Magna vis animi. " Great intrepidity," i. e. great firmness 
of purpose. — Confirmatus. " Being encouraged." Sallust wishes 
to convey the idea, that Jugurtha not only displayed an intrepid 
spirit on this occasion, but was moreover encouraged by assurances 
of aid from his partisans and friends. — Par at. " He secures the 
assistance of." Literally, " he procures," or makes his own. The 
regular language of bargain and sale. — Cujus impudentia, &c. 
" By whose effrontery he would be protected against the arm of 
justice, as well as all personal violence." 

7. De hoste supplicium sumi. " That punishment be inflicted 
upon him as a public enemy." — Dignitati. Some refer this to the 
Roman people, others to Memmius. It relates in fact to both, and 
must be rendered, " for honour." — Confirmare. " Assured them." 
— Per se. " As far as he could effect this." 

8. Verba facit. " He addresses him." — Romae Numidiaque. 
Some editions have NumuUac, in the genitive, which, although re- 
ferring to a country, they construe by the rule of names of towns. 
There are not wanting examples of this construction in other Latin 
writers. The ablative, however, is neater and more elegant. — 
Quibus juvantibus, quibicsque ministris. " By whose aid and by 
whose instrumentality." 

9. Corrupturum. " He would ruin." — Pecunia cor r upturn. 
" Had been bribed." Literally, " had been corrupted (in principle) 
by money." — Tacere. The verb taceo properly means, to keep 
silence when one might or should speak, and generally after 
being ordered or requested so to do. Sileo, on the contrary, 
is to say nothing, to continue silent, after having been so pre- 
viously. 

1. Terrebat cum. " Sought to terrify him." Eum here refers J£5 
to Baebius. A single tribune might in this way, by his veto, or in- 
tercession, thwart the proceedings of his colleagues, and oppose an 
effectual barrier to the wishes of the people. Those who did so, 
however, might afterwards be brought to trial by their colleagues. 
Tiberius Gracchus, when his colleague Octavius opposed the pas- 
sage of the Agrarian law, resorted to the desperate expedient of 
publicly deposing him by the suffrages of the people. 

%. Quae ira fieri amat. " Which anger is accustomed to employ." 
15* 



154 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

25 Literally, " which anger loves to be put in operation." An imitation 
of the Greek idiom <pi\ei ylyveadai. 

3. Proxumo anno, &c. The year meant is A. U. C. 644. — Stirpe. 
The term stirps properly denotes that part of the trunk of a tree 
where the roots begin to branch out. Hence it is applied figu- 
ratively to the stock or lineage of a family, &c. — Jugiirtham ob 
scelera, &c " And since public odium, together with private fear 
on his own part, pressed heavily on Jugurtha." 

4. Belli gerundi. " Of carrying on some war." Of having some 
war to carry on, in which he might signalize himself— The consul 
was well aware, that Massiva could not be established on the Numi- 
dian throne without a war. 

5. Mover e. Some editions have moveri, but the manuscripts m 
general favour the active form. The construction, though a harsh 
one, is characteristic of Sallust. Movcre governs omnia under- 
stood, and omnia expressed is the accusative before senescere. The 
meaning is, that the consul " wished to throw all things into confu- 
sion, than that all should begin to grow torpid'' in the arms of re- 
pose. 

6. Ac maxume occulte. " And secretly, if in any way possible. 11 — 
Talis ncgotii artifices. " Skilled in such business." — Itinera 
egressusque, &c. " Carefully ascertains his accustomed routes, his 
hours for leaving home ; in fine, all his places of resort, and his entire 
mode of spending the day." Egressus, literally, " his goings out," 
M his departures from home." 

7. Indicium profitetur. " Makes a full disclosure." — Fit reus. 
" Is put to his trial." Literally, " is made or becomes an accused 
person." — Ex aequo bonoque. M In accordance with what was just 
and proper," i. e. agreeably to justice and the dictates of plain 
reason. — Quam ex jure gentium. By the law of nations, the retinue 
not only of ambassadors, but of all persons to whom the public faith 
had been pledged, were exempted from injury. Grotius proves this 
to have been an early law among the Romans, from one of the old 
forms used by the Feciales. (De jure belli et pads, 18, 8.) 

8. Animum advortit. An archaism for ammadrcrtit. — In priore 
actionc. "In the first stage of the proceeding," i. e. when Bomilcar 
was first put to his trial, or when, to adopt our own phraseology, the 
case first came into court. — Vades. Vas denotes bail in a criminal 
suit, pracs in a civil one. 

26 L JReliquos popularis. " The rest of his subjects." 

2. Urbem vowJem, &c. " Ah ! venal city, and destined soon to 
fall, if it can but find a purchaser !" Livy's account of this whole 
affair differs essentially from Sallust's. He makes the king himself 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 155 

Page. 
to have been put to his trial for the murder of Massiva, and to have Ofi 
saved himself only by secretly escaping from the city. (Epit. 64.) 

3. Comitia. "When the new magistrates would be elected. He 
was desirous of performing some exploit before the day of election. 
' — Trahere. Put for protrahcre. — Facere. " Invented." — Instanti. 
Understand Albino. — Ludijicare. " He trifled with." 

4. Ex tanta properantia. "After so much hurry," viz., on the 
part of Albinus, in his preparations for the campaign, and during its 
earlier stages. — Dilapso tempore. " Time having glided away," 
i. e. having insensibly passed by. — Pro praetore. " As acting com- 
mander-in-chief." The term praetor is here used in its primitive 
sense of commander or leader. Compare note 7, page 5. — Sedi- 
tiojiibus tribumciis. u By contentions among the tribunes." — Con- 
tinuare magistratum. " To continue their office," i. e. to continue 
themselves in office for another term. 

5. Totius anni comitia. Alluding not only to the comitia in 
which the tribunes were to be elected, but also to those which 
should have been held for choosing other magistrates. Hence the 
consuls for the year 645, Metellus and Silanus, could not be first 
marked out as consules dcsignati, but were actually chosen after 
their year of magistracy had commenced. 

6. Pecuniae capiundae. " Of extorting money." — Hiemc aspcra. 
"During a severe winter." — Saevitia tcmporis. "From the in- 
clemency of the season." — Limosa. " Rendered miry." — Cupidine 
caecus. "Blinded by cupidity." — Vmcas agcre. Compare note 
2, page 16. — Agger em. The agger, or mound, was raised from the 
inner line, and gradually advanced towards the besieged place, 
always increasing in height, till it equalled or overtopped the wall. 
It was composed of earth, stone, wood, and hurdles. The agger 
was secured by towers of different stories, from which the defenders 
of the ramparts were annoyed with missiles by the besiegers. 

1. Vanitate. "The weakness." — Subdolus augere amentiam. 9*7 
" Craftily strove to augment his foolish presumption." — Tentabat. 
"He tampered with." - Turmarum. A turma, or troop of horse, 
consisted of thirty men, and was divided into three decuriae, or 
bodies often. — Trans fug event. We have thrown out of the text 

the word corrumpere, which in most editions follows after transfu- 
gerent. It is not needed, as tentabat precedes. 

2. Intempestanocte. "At the dead of night." — Arma capere 
alii. " Seized, some of them, their arms." — Trepidare omnibus 
locis. " Consternation every where prevailed." Trepidare properly 
denotes to run up and down in confusion and alarm. — Periculum 
anceps. "On all sides danger." — Ligurum. "Of Ligurians." 



156 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

2*7 Vid. Geographical Index. The cohort, when full, consisted of 600 

men. The usual number, however, about the time of Polybius, 

was 420. 

3. Centurio primi pili. "The chief centurion." Each Roman 
legion was divided into ten cohorts ; each cohort into three maniples, 
and each maniple into two centuries. So that there were thirty 
maniples and sixty centuries in a legion. There were two centu- 
rions in each maniple, called by the same name, but distinguished 
by the title prior, " former," and posterior, " latter," because the 
one was chosen and ranked before the other. The centurion of the 
first century of the first maniple of the Triarii, was called centurio 
primi pili, or pi'imus pilus, or primopilus, &c. He presided over 
all the other centurions, and had the charge of the eagle (aquila) or 
chief standard of the legion ; whereby he obtained both profit and 
dignity, being ranked among the equites, and having a place in the 
council of war with the consul and tribunes of the soldiers. The 
centurion of the second century of the first maniple of the Triarii 
was called primi pi J us posterior. So the two centurions of the second 
maniple of the Triarii were called prior centurio, and posterior ccji- 
turio, secundipili ; and so on to the tenth, the two centurions of which 
were styled centurio dccimi pili prior, and posterior. In like manner, 
primus princeps prior, and posterior ; secundus princeps prior, 
and posterior, in speaking of the pnncipes or second rank ; and 
primus hastatus, &c, in reference to the hastati or first rank. 
Thus there was a large field for promotion in the Roman army : 
from a common soldier to a centurion ; and from being the lowest 
centurion of the tenth maniple of the hastati (decimus hastatus pos- 
terior) to the rank of primipilus. 

4. Hostes, quo minus, &c. " Prevented the enemy from making 
an advantageous use of their victory." — Sub jugum. M Under the 
yoke." Two spears stuck in the ground, and crossed by another 
at the top, like a gallows, received the name of jugum. Under this 
the vanquished army passed disarmed by v. av of ignominy, and in 
token of subjection. 

5. Quia i7iortis mctu mutabantur. " Because they were rec 

in exchange for the fear of death." Metu is put in the ablative, as 
marking the instrument, or means which effected the exchange, the 
fear of death compelling the Roman soldiery to this disgraceful step. 
Some editions have nutabant, "they wavered," or " were irreso- 
lute." Cortius reads mutabant for mutabantur. We have given 
the latter form at once with Burnouf. 

6. Metus atque moeror. No prince except Mithridates, gave so 
much employment to the army of the Romans as Jugurtha. In the 



JUGURTHINE WAR. KW 

Page, 
course of no war in which they had ever been engaged, not even the O"? 
second Carthaginian, were the people more desponding, and m none 
were they more elated with ultimate success. (Dunlop, Hist. Rom. 
Lit. vol. 2, p. 152, Land, ed.) 

1. Dedecore potius, quam manu. " By a disgraceful surrender, 28 
rather than a brave resistance." — Invidiam, ac deinde periculum. 

" Public odium, and consequent danger to himself," i. e. the danger 
of a prosecution, for having trusted the command of the army to 
one so totally unfit for the station. — Nomiiie Latino. " The Latin 
nation." A general appellation for all the states that bore the 
general name of Latins. The Latins constituted the chief strength 
of the Roman armies. They were not, however, embodied in the 
legions, and were treated with more severity than Roman citizens, 
being puni&hed with stripes, and also capitally, from which citizens 
were exempted by the Porcian law. — The Socii mentioned in the 
text, were the other Italian allies. Their general treatment was the 
same as that of the Latins. 

2. Provincia. The Roman province is here meant, which has 
already been alluded to in the 19th chapter. — Mederi fraternae 
invidiae. " To allay the odium to which his brother's misconduct 
had given rise." — Soluto imperio. " All discipline being relaxed." 
— Ex copia rerum. " Considering all the circumstances of the 
case." 

3. Rogationemprortiulgat. " Proposes a bill." The application 
was called a rogatio while pending before the people, and until it 
became a law. Compare note 7, page 20. — Neglegisset. An 
archaism for neglexissct. — Huic rogationi. Depending in construc- 
tion on the verb parabant. — Quin fatcrcntur. "Without, at the 
same time, virtually acknowledging." — Nominis Latini. Consult 
note 1. 

4. Jusserit, decreverit, voluerit. Some editions have merely 
Jusserit, the other two verbs being regarded as pleonastic. This is, 
however, far from being the case. The three verbs are purposely 
employed by the historian to denote, by their almost synonymous 
force, the ardour of the people in ordering, decreeing, icilling the 
passage of the bill. The absence of the copulative, too, imparts 
additional vigour and rapidity to the clause. 

5. Trcpida etiam turn civitatc. " The city being even yet not 
free from agitation." The excitement produced by the triumph of 
the popular party, and the discomfiture of the nobility, remaining 
still unallayed. — Quaesitores. " Commissioners." — Sed quaestio 
exercita, &c. " The inquiry, however, was conducted with harsh- 
ness and severity, under the guidance of mere rumour and popular 

16 



158 NOTES TO THE 

Page> 

OR caprice." In the absence of positive proof, mere idle rumours and 
popular feeling were made to supply its place. 

OQ 1. Mos partium popularium, &c. "The custom of having a 
popular party, and another in the senate," i. e. the existence of a 
popular and an aristocratic party. The plural is here employed 
(partium— factionum) not for the purpose of showing that there were 
several distinct parties among the people and senate, but that from 
this time the people and senate respectively formed themselves into 
parties against each other. As the words mos partium would alone 
suffice to convey the meaning of Sallust, some editors reject the 
remainder of the clause popularium, et senati factionum. 

2. Malarum artium. " Evil practices." — Paucis ante annis. 
Carthage had been destroyed thirty-five years before the breaking 
out of the Jugurthine war. — Metus hostilis. " Fear of their 
enemies." Put for metus hostium. — Scilicet. Used here as an 
explanatory particle. Hence the clause may be rendered as folio 

" Those effects which prosperity is accustomed to produce, licen- 
tiousness, namely, and pride, came naturally upon them," i. e. 
licentiousness and pride, the usual attendants of prosperity, natu- 
rally made their appearance. 

3. Asperius acerbiusque fuit. Understand quam ipsae res 
adversae fuerant. " Proved a harsher and more galling visitation 
than adversity itself had been." The res adversae allude to the 
reverses in the second Punic war. 

4. Dignitatem, &c. What grammarians call a zeugma takes 
place in lubidinem, which has one meaning when connected with 
dignitatem, and another with Ubcrtatem. Render the whole clause 
as follows : " For the nobility began to convert their high rank into 
an instrument of tyranny, the people to degrade their freedom into 
licentiousness." 

5. Ducere, trahere, rapere. u Dishonestly acquired, dragged 
away, made plunder of, every thing." These words, arranged as 
they are in the text, are employed to express the progress of corrup- 
tion, commencing with dishonest and clandestine practices, and 
rising gradually to bold and unpunished violence. — Factione m 
pollebat. "Were more powerful as a party." They possessed a 
better party-organization. — Soluta atque dispersa in muUitudinc. 
" Disunited, and scattered amid a large number." They possessed nu- 
merical strength, but wanted union and close political consolidation. 

6. Agitabatur. Used impersonally. " Affairs were managed." 
— Gloriae. " Public distinction." — Intcrea parentcs, 6cc. Com- 
pare Horace, Ode. 2, 10, 23, seqq. — Pollucrc. They spared divine 
things as little as human. 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 159 

Page. 

7. Nihil pensi, neque sancti habere. " It regarded nothing, it OQ 
esteemed nothing sacred. 

8. Ex nobilitate. Alluding to the two Gracchi, who were of the 
gens Cornelia. Cortius regards these words as a mere gloss, in- 
correctly, as we conceive. — Permixtio chilis, &c. " A civil com- 
motion, like a parting asunder of the earth." 

9. Quorum majores. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus were grand- 
sons, on the side of their mother Cornelia, of the elder Afric anus. — 
Vindicare plebem in liber t ate m. " To assert the freedom of the 
commons." — Societatis. The equites, placed between the patri- 
cians and plebeians, as a kind of connecting link, were in general 
dissatisfied with this intermediate rank, and had a strong inclination 
for an alliance with the nobilitv and admission to senatorian honours. 
— Actionibus. " The proceedings." 

1. Tiberium. For an account of the Gracchi, consult Histo- 30 
rical Index. — Eadem ingrcdientcm. "Entering upon the same 
career," i. e. aiming at the restoration of popular rights, and the 
passage of an agrarian law. — Coloniis deduccndis. " For planting 
colonies." Colonies were commonly led out and planted by three 
commissioners, (tnumviri). Sometimes five, ten, or more were 
appointed. The people determined in what way the lands were to 

be divided, and to whom they were to be assigned. The new co-r 
lony inarched to its destined place in the form of an army, wit!) 
colours flying. 

2. Bono vinci satins est. " It is better for a good man to be over- 
come by his opponents." — Malo more. " By unlawful means." — - 
Multos mor talis ^ &c. " Destroyed many individuals by the sword, 
or deprived them of all their civil rights by banishment." The verb. 
exstmxit assumes a new meaning with fern and fuga respectively. 

3. Studiis partium. "The violence of party-spirit." — Omnibus 
cimtatis moribus. "The manners of the state in general." — Pro 
magnitudine. " In a way commensurate with the vast extent of the 
subject." — Dcserat. " Would in all likelihood fail." 

4. Acri viro. " A man of spirit." — Advorso populi partium. 
" An opponent of the popular party." Advorso is here taken as a 
noun. The same construction sometimes prevails with ivavrios in 
Greek (Matth. G. G. $366.) and contrarius in Latin (Cic. Fin. 
4,24.) — Acquabili et inviolata. "Uniform and unimpeachable." 
As if Sallust had said aequabiliter inviolata apud plebem atque nobili- 
tatem. 

5. Alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus. " Having considered 
every thing common to himself and his colleague." Understand 
esse; but not communia also, as some maintain ; for this last seems 



160 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

30 hardly required by the idiom of the language. Sallust does not 
mean that Metellus neglected the other duties of the consulship, in 
order to give his whole attention to the war, supposing that his col- 
league would attend to every thing else : but that he foresaw he 
could not expect much assistance from him, in these warlike prepa- 
rations, and therefore paid more attention to them himself, though 
without neglecting, at the same time, his general duties as a consul. 

6. Bello vario. " In a war, exposed to various contingencies." 
The nature of the country , which was to be the scene of operations, 
and the character of the foe, are here alluded to. — Ad ea patranda, 
&c. " For the accomplishment of these things, the allies and the 
Latin nation, in consequence of a decree of the senate, kings of 
their own accord, sent aid." — Propter bonas artis. " On account of 
his excellent qualities." 

7. Advorsvm dimtias, &c. " A spirit proof against riches," i. e. 
not to be subdued by avarice. 

8. Sp. Albini pro consulc. Understand agentis, or imperanhs. 
" Acting (or commanding) in the stead of the consul." Some edi- 
tions read a Sp. Albino. — Sine wxperio et modestia habitus. " Kept 
under no discipline or restraint." 

31 1. Aestivornm. " Of the summer campaign." Supply castro- 
rum. We have the full expression in Tacitus {Ann. 1, 16, 2,) 
M Castris aestivis tres simul legiones habebantur." — Mora. " The 
postponement." — Intentos. ''Were fixed upon him." — Laborare. 
" To endure fatigue," i. e. to accustom themselves to the severe 
training which formed so conspicuous a part of Roman discipline. 

2. Quantum temporis, &c. " During as much of the summer 
campaign as he was in command." Albinus had returned to Africa, 
and continued to hold the command until the arrival of Metellus. — 
Stativis castris. " In a standing camp." — Odos. " The stench," 
arising from so many men and animals remaining long together on 
the same spot, and in a warm climate. 

3. Dcducebantur. In the sense here of diducebantur. Render 
the clause as follows : " Besides, the watches were not distributed 
according to military usage." — Lixae. ''The followers of the 
camp." Cortius makes lixae mean here all manner of disorderly 
persons. Festus defines the lixae as follows : " Lixae, qui $gt 
turn sequuntur, quacstus gratia : dicti quod extra ordinem sini tnili- 
tiae, eisque liceat, quod libuerit. Alii eos a Licha appcllatos dicunt, 
quod et Hie He rat km sit sccutus: quidam a ligitricmlo quacstum." 
Nonius explains the name thus : Lixarum propriety haec est, quod 
officium sustineant militibus aquae rehendae. Lixam namque aquam 
vcteres vocaverunt ; unde elixum dicimus aqua coctum ." Vossius 



JUGTJRTHINE WAR. 161 

Page, 
prefers deriving the term from elixare, "to cook," in allusion to Q1 
their preparing the food of the soldiers. Independently of its refer- 
ring to the soldiers' servants and to the sutlers, the name appears 
to have been occasionally also applied to buffoons. This last mean- 
ing of the word rests on a passage in Justin, (38, 10,) where, un- 
der the general name of lixae, are comprehended coqui, pistores, 
and scenici. Justin is speaking of the army which Antiochus led 
against the Parthians : u Sed luxuriae non minor apparatus, quam 
militiae fuit : quippe octoginta millia armaiorum secuta sunt trecenta 
millia lixarum, ex quibus coquorum, pistonim, scenicoi-umque, major 
numerus fuit" 

4. Villas. " Country-seats." — Panem mercari. This was in 
violation of the strict rules of military discipline. Besides his pay, 
each soldier received a certain allowance of corn, commonly four 
pecks (modn) a month. This they were to grind, sift, and prepare 
for bread themselves, and afterwards bake it with their own hands. 
The centurions received a double, and the cavalry a triple, allow* 
ance. (Lipsius, adPolyb. 5. Dial. 16.) 

5. Quaecumque ignaviae luxuriaeque probra. " Whatever dis- 
graceful excesses, the results of idleness and licentiousness." — Et 
alia amplius. " And others besides." 

6. Tanta temper antia, &c. '} Regulated as he was in his deport- 
ment, with so much moderation, between a desire to gain popularity 
on the one hand, and rigid discipline on the other," i. e. preserving 
in his deportment a well-regulated medium between these two ex- 
tremes. — Namque edicto, &c. Sustulisse, in this clause, and sta- 
luisse, lower in the sentence, must not be taken for historical infini- 
tives. They are both governed by comperio understood. — Coctum 
cibum. " Prepared food." Ne lixae excrcitum sequcrentur. 
" That no retainers of a camp should follow the army." Compare 
note 3. — In agmine. " On the march." Agmen (from agere) re- 
fers to an army or any body of men in motion ; and it sometimes 
denotes such a body even when unarmed. Exercitus denotes an 
armv, in the general sense of the term, as trained by exercise. 
Acies means an army in battle array. Of the three, Exercitus an- 
swers precisely to our English word " army." 

7. Ceteris arte modum statuisse. " That he prescribed strict 
limits to the rest of the army." Arte is by an archaism for arete. — 
Transvorsis itineribus. " By cross marches," i. e. deviating from 
the regular track, and consequently more difficult. His object was 
to inure the soldiers to fatigue.— Vallo atque fossa. Roman disci- 
pline was most conspicuous in their encampments. They always 
pitched a camp, even if they were to remain only one night in a 

16* 



162 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

O I place. The form of the camp was square. In later ages, in imita- 
tion of the Greeks, they sometimes made it circular, or adapted it 
to the nature of the ground. The ditch was usually nine feet deep, 
and twelve feet broad. The vallum was composed of the earth 
dug from the ditch, and secured and kept firm by stakes. 

8. Circumire. " He went the rounds." In general, certain per- 
sons were appointed every night to go round the watches, hence 
called circuitores or circitores. This seems to have been at first 
done by the equites and tnbuni ; on extraordinary occasions, as in 
the present instance, by the commander in person, attended by his 
legati. Subsequently, regular persons were chosen for that pur- 
pose by the tribuni. (Vcgetius, 3, 8.) 

32 *• Confirmavit. " He restored to its former efficient' v." 

2. Innocentia. " His incorruptible integrity.'' — Cum sujrpliciis. 
" With the emblems of submission." By supplicia, in this sense 
are usually meant branches of olive. The customs, however, of 
different nations varied in this respect. According to the scholiast 
on Sophocles, (Oed. T. 3,) petitioners among the Greeks, usually 
carried boughs wrapped around with fillets of wool. Sometimes 
the hands were covered with these fillets, not only among the 
Greeks, but also among the Romans. Hence in Plautus, (Amph. 
1, 1, 101,) we have the expression M relatis manibus. % ' 

3. Expcrimcntis. " Bv actual trials," i. e. by experience. — Inji- 
dum, " as faithless." — Legates aliu?7i ab alio, &c. M He addresses 
himself to each of the ambassadors apart from the others." — Ten- 
tando. " By tampering with them." — Opportunos. "Fit for his 
purpose." — Muxumc. " By all means." — Necatum. u After they 
had assassinated him." 

4. Contra belli facicm. " Contrary to the appearance which 
w T ar usually presents." — Mapalibus. In the 18th chapter of this 
narrative, Sallust uses the term mapalia to designate huts. Here, 
however, tuguria evidently has that meaning, and mapalia de- 
notes "villages." Compare note 2, page 14. — Commeatum por- 
tarc. " To carry his provisions," i. e. to furnish vehicles for the 
transportation of his provisions. The advantage resulting to Me- 
tellus from this offer, would be the releasing the diers from a 
part of the heavy loads they were accustomed to carrv. The 
strict rule was, that each soldier should carry provisions for fifteen 
days. The whole load of a Roman soldier was sixty pounds, ex- 
clusive of his arms. These last he was taught by active and severe 
exercise to consider a part of himself. 

5. Munito agmine. " With his army guarded against every 
emergency." — Et insidiis locum tcntari. " And that a spot fit for 



JUG UR THINE WAR. 163 

Page, 
an ambuscade was sought by the enemy," i. e. that the enemy were *J2 
only seeking a spot where they might entrap him, when thrown off 
his guard by these marks of submission. Most editions read ten- 
tare. Cortius understands before this last homines quosdam, or 
something equivalent. Others make tentare the historical infinitive, 
and refer it to Metellus. According to both these explanations, 
however, the reading tentare would seem to want spirit. 

6. Velitcs. " The light- armed troops." They were first insti- 
tuted in the second Punic war, according to Livy (26, 4). They 
did not form part of the legion, and had no certain post assigned 
them, but fought in scattered parties where occasion required, 
usually before the lines. — Perniciosior. " More mischievous," or 
" hurtful." 

7. Forum renim venalium, &c. " The most frequented mart, 
for buying and selling commodities, in the whole kingdom." Sal- 
lust here, by his use of the term forum, imitates the Roman way of 
speaking. The word forum, when applied to towns, meant places 
where markets were held, and where justice also was administered. 
The reference in the text is to the first part of this meaning, namely 
Vaga's being a market-town and place of trade. 

1. Huic consul, &c. We have here followed the reading of the QQ 
Bipont edition, which alone appears to afford an intelligible meaning 

for this much-contested passage. The phrase huic praesidium im- 
fosuit is the true Latin idiom, though, in translating it into our own, 
we are compelled to give huic the force of an ablative. The mean- 
ing of the passage will be as follows : "In this place, the consul 
stationed a garrison, as well for the sake of trying Jugurtha, as 
of watching the result of his own plans, in case the advantages 
which the placo afforded should allow this to be done," i. e. for the 
sake of sounding the real intentions of Jugurtha, and of ascertaining 
whether he actually desired peace or was only seeking to lay an 
ambuscade, and also of watching the result of his own plans for the 
assassination or seizure of Jugurtha by the ambassadors ; if, upon 
trial, the place should prove as advantageous for these two objects 
as he expected it would. 

2. Frequcntiam negotiatorum, &c. " That the great number of 
merchants residing there, would both aid his army with supplies, 
and be a means of security to the conquests he had already made," 
i. e. would both readily procure supplies for his army, and, when 
once they had brought their property into the town for that purpose, 
would be willing to defend it with him against Jugurtha. We have 
given commeatu, instead of commeatuum, on the suggestion of a 
critic in the Journal of Education, No. 11, p. 139. Land. 1833. 



164 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

33 I n place of etiam, the common lection, we have put et jam, in the 
propriety of which the same critic agrees. 

3. Impensius modo. " With greater earnestness now than ever." 
— Dedere. " He offered to deliver up." — Promissa legatorum. 
" The fulfilment of their promises on the part of the ambassadors." 
) 4. Suis artibus. " By his own arts," i. e. stratagem and decep- 

tion. — Alienata. " Become the property of another," i. e. fallen into 
the hands of the enemy. — Ager. " The country." — Animi popu- 
t larium tentati. " The affections of his subjects tampered with." 

5. Quas maxumas copias, &c. The more usual form is quam 
maxumas, &c. which some editions give. The ellipsis may be re- 
solved as follows : " Parat copias, quas maxumas potest parare.^ 

6. Tractu pari. " Running parallel with the river." — Vastus ah 
natura, &c. " Left bare by nature and the hand of man," i. e. de- 
sert and uncultivated. — Quasi collis. " A kind of hill," i. e. an 
elevation of the soil, resembling a hill. — Humi arido atque arenoso. 
" In an arid and sandy soil." Understand solo to govern humi, 
unless, indeed, what is far more probable, humi be here the old form 
for the dative, (humoi,) with the force of an ablative. Those who 
are in favour of the ellipsis, however, will find something analagous 
in Lucretius, where the full form is given, "acre solum terrae" (5. 
1288. Comp. 5. 1294.) 

7. Media planicics. " The intervening plain," i. e. between the 
mountain and the river. — Consita arbustis. M Overgrown with un- 
derwood." — Frequentabantur. J 4 Were filled." More literally, 
"were crowded." 

8. Transvcrso itincrc. " In a cross-direction to the mountain," 
i. e. at right angles to the mountain. — Extcnuata suorum acie. 
" Having drawn out his forces into a thin line," i. e. having extend- 
ed his front as far as possible. 

9. Propior montem. Supply ad, and compare Catiline, c. 11. 
"Quod tamcnvitium propius rirtutcm crat." — Peditcs delcctos. In 
some editions et peditibus dcleciis. Our reading is more after the 
manner of Sallust. — Turmas atque manipulos. The expressions 
turmae and manipuli are here employed by Sallust, either to denote 
that Jugurtha had introduced the Roman discipline among his troops, 
or else in accordance with the general custom of Roman writers, 
who apply to other nations terms and modes of expressions which 
only suit themselves. 

34 1. Decuer'nit. Understand providcri. — Locum superiorcm. Ju- 
gurtha enumerates four particulars, in which, like a good general, 
he had provided that his troops should have the advantage. 1. Lo- 
cum superiorcm. 2. Uti prudetites cum impcrtfis manum consere* 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 165 

Page. 
rent. A better knowledge of the country than that possessed by 34 
the enemy. 3. Ne pauciores cum pluribus. No inferiority of num- 
bers. 4. Aut rudes cum hello melioribus. No want of discipline. 
— Render prudentes, " they, acquainted with the country before- 
hand." 

2. Ut quemque, &c. " As he had distinguished any one, on ac- 
count of some military exploit, w T ith a gift of money or with promo- 
tion in the army." 

3. Conspicatur. Thus far Sallust has shown us Jugurtha, ac- 
tively employed among his followers. He now changes the picture, 
and presents us with Metellus, ignorant of the position of the foe. 
descending the mountain, and merely observing something that 
wore an unusual appearance on the neighbouring hill. Hence we see 
the propriety of conspicatur (" espies something" on the hill) as a 
reading, instead of the common lection, conspicitur (" is seen" by the 
enemy). Metellus saw something on the hill, but it was too unde- 
fined to enable him to ascertain its nature with any kind of certainty 
until he came nearer. 

4. Quidnam insolita fades ostcnderet. " What the strange ap- 
pearance meant." — Equi Numidaeque. " The Numidians, both 
horse and foot." Thus equi virique signifies both horsemen and 
infantry. 

5. Incerti, quidnam esset. " Leaving it uncertain what the thing 
actually was," i. e. not entirely discernible. The tenn incerti refers 
of course to the Numidians. The adjective certus is derived from 
cerno and res incerta is nothing more than res non bene et distincte 
visa. The primitive meaning therefore oiincertus is " about which 
there is no certainty," " undefined," " not clearly discernible." And 
it is used so in the present instance. Compare the Greek form of 
expression, aSr>\oi ri totc tovt' av Inn. 

6. Agmcn constitit. " He halted his army." Consisto, although 
apparently a neuter verb in most cases, is in reality active ; thus 
constitit, " he stopped," understand se. In the present instance, the 
accusative agmcn is expressed, and the common reading constituit 
is not needed. Compare Cacs. B. C. 1, 51. "Afranius copias 
educit, et in medio colle sub castris constitit.'' 1 

7. Commutatis ordinibus. " Having altered the arrangement of 
his troops." Jugurtha, it will be recollected, had drawn up his 
forces on the hill, which extended in the direction of the river, and 
at right angles to the mountain. Metellus was descending this 
mountain in order to reach the river, and consequently had Jugur- 
tha's ambuscade on his right flank. Thus far the Roman army would 
appear, from chapter 46, to have been marching in a single column, 



166 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

34 each legion composing that column being divided, in the usual man- 
ner, into three ranks of hastati, principes, and triarii. The moment 
Metellus perceives his danger, he converts his flank into a front, by 
wheeling the legions out of column into line on the right, and by 
bringing all the hastati of the several legions into one line ; all the 
principes into a second line, and all the triarii into a third. The 
army is then drawn up in three lines, (triplicibus subsidiis,) with its 
front facing the enemy. But how is it to reach the plain 1 Evi- 
dently by a flank march on the left, and in this flank march the 
three ranks become so many files. Each soldier, therefore, when 
the word is given to continue the march down the mountain, faces 
to the left and moves on in file. If the enemy attacks them on 
their march, they face again to the front and oppose them. Compare, 
in further explanation of this movement, Polybius, (Lips, de Milit. 
Rom. lib. 5, dial. 12). 'JLireiSav TrpoairiiTTri ri nov Seivuiv, ttotI [ilv trap 1 
dairiSa AfXivairff, irori <5' £7rt Sopv. k. t. X. 

8. Triplicibus subsidiis. " In three lines. " The term subsidia, 
which properly denotes " bodies of reserve," is here applied to the 
several lines, with reference to the mutual support which they afford 
to each other. 

9. Inter manipulos. " In the vacant spaces between the mani- 
ples." — Transvorsis principiis. " Having converted the front into 
a flank." Consult note 7. 

10. Conficeretur. "Might be distressed." — Transvorsis prae- 
His. "By attacks on his flank." — Lassitudinem et sitvn, <Scc. 
" Would try the effects of weariness and thirst on his men." 

11. Sicuti monte dcsccndcrat. " In the same order in which he 
had descended from the mountain." — Post p r incipa l. " In the cen- 
tre." Literally, " after the van." By the new movement of Me- 
tellus, the cavalry of the left wing became the leading division on the 
march, and are hence called principes. The station of Marius 
was after the cavalry and the heads of the columns of infantry, 
and consequently about the centre of the line of march. — Pre- 
cipes. " The leading division." This term must not be con- 
founded with the usual designation of the first rank of the Roman 
army. 

35 1- Prinws suos. " Those of his men who were stationed nearest 
the mountain," i. e. the left wing of the Numidian army. — Quasi. 
"About." Used for fere. Compare Terence (Heaut. 1. 1. 93.) 
" Merccdem. quasi talcnta ad quindecim coegi" 

2. Postremos. By postremi are here meant the soldiers of the 
right wing, who are called the rear in reference to the direction of 
the Roman march bv files. — Pars a sinistra ac dextera tcntare, 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 167 

Page. 
These words refer to a state of things immediately following a new 35 
movement on the part of the Romans, and of which movement Sal- 
lust says nothing, leaving it to be inferred by the reader. "When 
the Romans were first attacked by the enemy, they were proceeding 
in a long column down to the plain, having wheeled into that order 
from the previous line of march. Hence by primi, in this new 
arrangement, are meant those who formed the left wing in the old 
order of things, and by posiremi, those who composed the old right. 
The primi of Jugurtha's men, on the other hand, are the left wing 
of the Numidians as they lie in ambuscade. The Numidians attack 
the postremi of Metellus, (postremos caedcre,) and the moment this 
attack is made on the Roman flank, it faces to the right and forms 
a front against the enemy. This is the movement of which Sal- 
lust says nothing. "When it is made, the head and rear of the Ro- 
man column become respectively a new left and right wing, and 
the Numidians attack them on each of these new flanks, (pars a 
sinistra acdextera tentare.) 

3. Ludificati incerto praelio. " Baffled by this irregular mode of 
fighting." — Ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur. " "Were themselves 
alone wounded from a distance," i. e. they could not wound the 
enemy in return. 

4. Numero priores. " Being superior in number." Referring 
to the Numidians. — Disjcctos ab tergo aut lateribus. The terms 
tergum and latus are here applied not to the entire Roman 
army, but merely to the parties or bands which pursued the Nu- 
midians. 

5. Ea. The ablative. Understand fuga, and render as follows : 
" In prosecuting that flight, the horses of the Numidians, accus- 
tomed to the task, easily made their escape amid the underwood." 

6. Foeda atque miserabilis. " Gloomy and affecting." 

7. Anna, tela, &c. The absence of the connective conjunction 
gives an air of peculiar animation to this sentence. — Consilio neque 
imperio. " From previous concert, or by any regular command." 
— Die. The old genitive. Compare chapter 52. " Et jam die 
vesper erat." 

8. Illis. Referring to the Romans. — Cedentes. " In case they 
should give way." 

9. Quosfirmos, &c. " He kept back, by attacking from afar, 
those whom he found to be firm in their resistance." 

1. Advorso colle evadunt. " Charge up the hill." — Regio hostibus 3(} 
ignara. Compare chap. 18, of this history. u Ignara lingua" and Ta- 
citus, (Ann. 15, 67.) "CuienimignaramfuissesacvitiamNeronis ?" 

2. In acquum locum. " Into the plain." 

16* 



168 



NOTES TO THE 



Page. 

36 3 QvmL unique, &c. " What the enemy were doing, and where. " 
Ubique is put here for et ubi. — Animo vacuum. " Was without any 
apprehension of an attack." More literally, " was free (from appre- 
hension) in mind." — Ex Jugurthae praelio. "From the quarter 
where Jugurtha was engaged." 

4. Arte. " In close order." An archaism for arete. — Quo hos- 
tium itineri ohficeret. Bomilcar extended his line in order to cut off 
the return of Rutilius, in case he might wish to march back to the 
army of Metellus. 

5. Prospectum. "Any distant view." Hence the army of Bo- 
milcar was not seen until quite near, and the dust itself was only 
beheld on a sudden, (ex improviso). — Et primo rati, &c. " And 
at first they thought that the arid surface of the ground was only 
swept by the wind," i. e. that it w r as only the wind sweeping over 
an arid and sandy surface, and raising a large cloud of dust." 

6. Aequabilem manere. " That it remained of a uniform ap- 
pearance," i. e. moved onward with regularity. — Sicuti iwics move- 
batur. " As if an army were moving along." 

7. Remorati. Supply sunt, which is expressed in some manu- 
scripts and additions. — Impeditos. Supply eos, scil. elephant os. 

8. Fcssi laetique erant. We have recalled the reading of Cortius, 
laeti, and have changed that of the previous edition lassi. The 
meaning intended to be conveyed by Sallust appears to be this. 
The Romans were fatigued by a long march, and the throwing up 
the works of a camp, as well as by their exertions in the fight, 
and were at the same time rejoiced at their victory. But although 
in this state, and desirous, under the influence of these feelings, of 
sitting down and enjoying their triumph quietly, rather than com- 
mence a new march, with the chance of a second battle, thev never- 
theless moved forth to meet Metellus, because he delaved longer 
than they thought he should. The whole passage, therefore, mav 
be rendered as follows : u The Romans, however, though they 
were wearied by their march, and by the labour of fortifying their 
camp, as well as by their exertions in the fight, and were at the 
same time rejoiced at their success ; still," &c. (Comp. Journal 
Ed. Xo. 11, p. 137). 

37 1- Nihil languidi, &c. " Admitted of no languor nor remissness 
on the part of the Romans." 

2. Strcpitu. "By reason of the noise made on both sides." — 
Facinus lamcntabile. "A lamentable accident." 

3. Adcorsac res, &c. " A defeat casts reproach even upon the 
brave." Compare Burnouf : L'adversite calomnie jusqu' aux braves." 

4. Saucios cum cura rcficit. " Carefully attends to the recovery 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 169 

Page, 
of his wounded soldiers." — In praeliis. " In the two engagements," Jj*7 
i. e. the one which he had fought with Jugurtha, and the other be- 
tween Rutilius and Bomilcar 

5. Ubi gentium. " In what part of the country he was." Where- 
abouts. — Ut sese victus gereret. "How he conducted himself 
since his defeat." 

6. Xumero hominum, &c. " Superior to the former one in point 
of numbers, but undisciplined and weak, acquainted with husbandry 
and pasturage, rather than with war," i. e. composed of husbandmen 
and herdsmen rather than of soldiers. 

7. Ea gratia. " On the following account." Compare Plautus, 
True. Prol. 9. " Sed hoc agamus, hue qua tentum est gratia," i. e. 
propter quod : ov %*9 lv - 

8. Flagitium militiae. " A disgraceful abandonment of their duty 
as soldiers."- -Ita s-e mores habent. " Such is their national usage." 
More literally, " so the habits of the nation have themselves." This 
custom of abandoning their general after a defeat is always charac- 
teristic of a semi-barbarous nation, and was of constant occurrence 
among the uncivilized communities of antiquity. 

9. Ferocem. "Unsubdued." — Ex illius lubidme. "According 
to his pleasure." Jugurtha was enabled, by retreating rapidly to 
parts of the country, known to himself, and not to the Romans, 
to give the enemy an opportunity of fighting only when he himself 
pleased. — Iniquum. "Unequal." — No?i praeliis neque acie. "Not 
by regular encounters, nor in a pitched battle." 

10. Temere munita. " That had been fortified in a hurried man- 
ner." More freely, " slightly fortified." — Praeda esse. Some 
editions have pracdam, as an accusative before esse, and depending 
on jubet. In our reading esse is the historical infinitive. 

1. Sua loca. " Places of his own choosing," i. e. advantageous to 38 
himself. — In alienis. " In those selected by another." — Ex copia. 

" Considering all circumstances." Upon a full review of the 
case. 

2. Plerumque. Agreeing with exercitum. This adjective is 
rarely used in the singular. In early Latinity, plerus, — a, — urn, 
were often employed without any syllabic adjection, and hence the 
use, at a somewhat later period, of pier usque, &c. in the singular 
number. 

3. Arm*. " Removed from the beaten track." — Ignoratus. 
"Unobserved." — Romanos palantis. Referring to only a part of 
the Roman troops, not to the entire army of Metellus. 

4. Ut seque, &c. The interchange of tenses in this passage 
gives an air of great animation to the style : " How he was regular 

17 



170 NOTES TO THE 

Page: 

38 ^ n S ^ s own an ^ tne deportment of his army by the usages of formef 
days ; though in an adverse situation, had nevertheless proved 
victorious by his valour ; was becoming master of the enemy's 
country ; had compelled Jugurtha, rendered arrogant," &c. 

5. Supplicia. " A thanksgiving." When a general had obtained 
an important victory, a thanksgiving was decreed by the senate to 
be made in the various temples. What was called a Lectisternium 
then took place, when couches were spread for the gods, as if about 
to feast, and their statues were taken down from their pedestals, 
and placed upon these couches around the altars, which were loaded 
with the richest dishes. 

6. Laeta agere. " Gave loose to joy," i. e. agebat laeta negotia, 
equivalent in fact to laeta erat. The term gaudium denotes prop- 
erly the feeling of joy, or joy of a comparatively moderate kind. 
Laetitia refers to the expression of joy, by words and gestures, and 
hence is much stronger in meaning than gaudium. A similar dif- 
ference exists between gaudcre and laetari. 

7. Praeclara esse. For praeclara erat. — Victoriam. "A de- 
cisive victory." — Necubi. Equivalent to ne alicubi. So ne quis 
for ne aliquis. — Opportunus. " Exposed." Open to attack. 

8. Effuso exercitu. " With his army scattered over the country." 
— Cohortes. Referring to the cohorts of the allies. If the legionary 
troops had been meant, the term legioncs, or the expression cohortes 
legionariae would have been employed. — Praesidium agitabant. 
" Acted as a convoy." Formed a convoy or guard. Equivalent 
to praesidio crant. 

9. Partim. The old accusative for partem, more commonly 
taken as an adverb. 

10. Divorsi agebant. " They acted apart." In different quarters 
of the country. — Pugnae. The dative after a substantive. Schcllcr, 
L. G. vol. 2, p. 1. 

39 1- Arcemregni. " A stronghold of the kingdom." — Zamam. 
Consult Geographical Index. 

2. Perfugis. The term perfuga denotes a deserter from our 
enemies to us, and transfuga, one from us to our enemies. Com- 
pare the remark of Popma : " Transfuga suos relinquit et ad alios 
venit; perfuga supplex est: ergo transfuga, ut adjuvetur, jit per- 
fuga." 

3. Quia f oiler e nequibant. They could not prove false to Ju- 
gurtha, and go back to the Romans, because they were sure of re- 
ceiving from the latter the severest punishment. Hence Jugurtha 
had no fear of their abandoning his standard, and rejoining their 
countrymen. Valerius Maximus speaks of deserters having been 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 171 

Page, 
deprived of their hands by Quintus Fabius Maximus ; of others JJ9 
who were either crucified or beheaded by the elder Africanus ; of 
others who were exposed to wild beasts by the younger Africanus ; 
and of others whom Paulus Aemilius ordered to be trampled under 
foot by elephants, (2, 7). Hence it follows, that the punishment 
of deserters was left to the pleasure of the commander. 

4. Ex itinere. " From the line of march." The mam army was 
marching towards Zama. — Frumentatum. " To obtain provisions." 
So aquatum, " to obtain water," lignatum, "to procure fuel," &c. 
— Post malum pugnam. The allusion is to the recent defeat sus- 
tained by Jugurtha as mentioned in chapter 52. 

5. In porta. " In the very gate of the city." Referring to Sicca. 
— Casum. " An opportunity." — Sese. Alluding to himself, Ju- 
gurtha. — Illos. The people of Sicca.— Inferre signa. " To ad- 
vance." To move straight onward. Referre signa, u to retreat." 
Converter e signa, u to face about." Conferre signa, " to engage." 

6. Fidem mutavissent. " Would have changed sides." Would 
have broken the faith they had pledged to the Romans, after the 
defeat of Jugurtha, and gone over to their former master. 

7. Infensi mtentique. " Full of hostile ardour and on the alert." 
— Alii. Opposed to pars. Some editions have evader e alii before 
alii succedere, but this is very properly rejected by others. The 
assailants were only of two classes, those who fought from a dis«* 
tance (emi?ius), and those who advanced to the ramparts (succedere), 
and attempted at one time to undennine, at another to scale, the 
walls. 

1. Pice et sulphur e taedam mixtam. " Torches besmeared with AQ 
pitch and sulphur." Mixtam is to be taken in the sense of illitam, 
and ardentia (" all on fire") is put in the neuter gender as referring 

to sudes, pila and taedam, things without life. The pila had com- 
bustibles attached to them. — The reading we have adopted, is that 
of Gruter". Cortius, however, gives the following : sudes, pila, prae- 
terea picem sulphur e et taeda mixtam, ardentia mittcre. 

2. Mos, qui procul manscrant. Referring to those of the Ro- 
mans who are described in the previous part of the chapter, as fight- 
ing from a distance (eminus pugnare.) — Muniverat. In the sense 
of tuebatur. 

3. Castra hostium. This is one of the very few passages where 
Sallust applies the term hostes to his Own countrymen, in contradis- 
tinction to the Numidians. 

4. Quisque pro moribus. " Each, according to his character." 

5. Pauci in pluribus, &c. "Being few in number amid a nu- 
merous host of assailants, they were less mistaken in their aim." 



172 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

AQ In casting their weapons among the great numbers opposed to then?, 

it was impossible for the Romans not to do great execution. — Ibi 

vero. " Then indeed." 

6. Ad se vorsum. For advorsum se. — Popularis esse. " That 
they were his own men." Literally, "his countrymen." — Statim. 
This adverb is not redundant here as some imagine. Metellus first 
quickly despatched the cavalry, and, immediately after, Marius with 
the allied cohorts. 

7. Inultos. " Unpunished." "Without taking ample vengeance 
upon them. Inultus is here taken passively. It is used actively in 
Catiline, c. 58. " Cavete inulti vitam amittatis" 

8. In angustiis. " In the narrow passages of the gates." Ipsi 
sibi obficerent. " Obstructed one another." 

9. Agitare. " To patrol." — Proxuma loca. " The adjoining 
posts," i. e. the parts nearest the gates. 

4 1 1. In proxumo. "Nearest the enemy," i.e. "in loco proxumo 
hostibus." — Pedites. "Their infantry." Referring to the Numi- 
dians. — Facerent. The pluperfect qieivissent refers to the probable 
result, the imperfect facerent, to the action as going on at the 
time. 

2. Quibus Mi frcti. Quibus refers to the infantry, and Mi to 
the cavalry, of the Numidians. — Advorsis equis concurrcre, &c. 
" Charged straight onward, disordered and broke our line." — Hostis 
paene victos dare. After the Numidian cavalry had broken the 
Roman line, they gave the enemy, now almost conquered, into the 
hands of their light-armed infantry, who were intermingled with 
the horse. The Romans, it will be perceived, are here again called 
hostes, with reference to the Numidians. 

3. Niti. Referring to the Roman soldiery. — Paritcr. " "With 
equal energy." — Oppugnare aut parare, &c. The former of these 
two verbs refers to the Romans, the latter to the Numidians. "With 
parpre we may understand defensionem. 

4. Hostes. Referring to the Romans. — Pugnam. " The at- 
tack." — Intcnti. "With eager feelings." 

5. Niti corporibus. " Made movements with their bodies." — Et 
hue, illuc, agitare. " And threw themselves into this posture, and 
then into that." 

6. Lenias. "With less vigour." — Diffidejitiam rei. "A dis- 
trust of success." — Sine tumultu. "Without anv disturbance on 
his part," i. e. without interruption. — Visere. " To view." 

7. Studio suonnn adstrictis. ""While they were engrossed with 
anxious concern for their countrymen." — Scalis aggrcssi. " Hav- 
ing assailed it by the aid of their scaling ladders." Some editions 



f 



JTJGURTHINE WAR. 173 

Page, 
have egressi, which will refer to the soldiers having left the ladders, ^ J 
and being now in the act of clinging to the battlements. 

8. Unae. This numeral is used in the plural with nouns which 
have no singular, or are used in a different sense in that number ; 
or else, whose singular is of rare occurrence. Thus, una moenia, 
una castra, unae liter ae, &c. In the present instance the singular 
number of scala is rarely, if ever, met with, and hence the plural 
form is employed. Charisius, Diomedes, and other grammarians, 
maintain that the singular of this word is never used. Compare 
Quintilian, 1, 5, 16 : — " Scala tamen et scopa, ccmtraque hordea et 
mulsa, licet Uterarum mutationcm, detractionem, adjectioncm non 
habcant, non alio vitiosa sunt quam quod pluralia singularitcr, et 
singulana pluraliter effcruntur." Celsus, however, (8. 15,) uses 
the singular of scala : thus, u Sic brachium deligatum super scalae 
gallinariae gradum trajicitur ;" and also Caius, {Dig. lib. 46. tit. 
2. leg. 56,) " Qui scalam commodavcrit ad asccndendumy 

9. Ceieri. Those who stood on the ladders that had not yet 
been broken. 

10. Inceptum. Understand fuisse. — Suo loco. " In a place of 
his own selecting." Equivalent to loco sibi opportuno. 

1. Cetcrum excrcitum. " The rest of his army." — Qua. Sup- AO 
ply parte. If we read quae, as most editions do, we shall have 
merely an unmeaning gloss, quae proxuma est Numidiae. 

2. Vadibus datis. u Although sureties had been given for his 
appearance. Compare chap. 35. — Per maxamam amicitiam. "On 
account of his very intimate friendship with the monarch." 

3. Sua omnia. He had lost all his property by confiscation, in 
consequence of his not having stood his trial at Rome. Metellus 
promises that this shall be restored to him, if he betray Jugurtha. — 
Per conditioncs. Because he had broken his engagement and not 
stood trial. 

4. Ulo. Referring to Jugurtha 

5. Jugurtham. Understand qui dicer ent before Jugurtham. 
Some editions have Qui Jugurtham imperata facturum dicer ent. — 
Sine ulla pactione. "Unconditionally." Without any stipulation. 

6. Cwnctos senatorii ordinis. There were of course many indi- 
viduals of senatorian rank in the anny, either as legati, quaestores, 
or even tribuni militum. — Quos idoneos ducebat. It appears from 
Caesar, B. G. 5, 28, that the chief centurion in each legion was also 
entitled to a seat in the council of war. 

7. Argenti pondo ducenta millia. " Two hundred thousand 
pounds weight of silver." Pondo is the old ablative, for po?ider€ ; 
we must therefore understand librarum after ducenta mdllia. 

17* 



174 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

43 1- Ad imperandum. The gerund is here used, according to the 
grammarians, in the passive sense, " for the purpose of being or* 
dered," i. e. " of receiving orders." A few other passages occur, 
in the Latin writers now extant, in which the gerund is similarly 
employed. In the present instance, however, an active meaning, 
though not a very elegant one, may be given to imperandum, " for 
the purpose of an ordering of him on the part of Metellus," i. e. 
" for the purpose of Metellus's ordering him." In this same way, 
perhaps, the other instances may be explained. Thus, Nep. Att. 9, 
" Spes restituendi nulla erat." " There was no hope of his being 
restored," i. e. " of a restoring of him;" and again, Justin, 17, 5, 
" Athenas erudiendi gratia missus." " He was sent to Athens, for 
the sake of being instructed," i. e. for an instructing of himself. 

2. Fleeter e animum suum. "To change his resolve." To 
waver. 

3. Multis magnisque praesidiis. "Many and great resources." 
Money, horses, arms, elephants. 

4. Numidiam Metello decreverat. Metellus's consulship having 
expired, he was continued in command another year, as proconsul, 
and the province of Numidia was voted to him by the senate. The 
consuls for this year (A. U. C. 646.) were Servius Sulpicius Galba 
and Q. Hortensius, in the place of which latter M. Aurelius 
Scaurus was afterwards chosen. 

5. C. Mario. Marius was a complete slave to superstition, as 
might well be expected in an ignorant and uneducated man. Plu- 
tarch and Frontinus both make mention of a Syrian woman, named 
Martha, whom he carried about with him, and who, as he pretended, 
and very likely believed, was possessed of the gift of prophecy. 

6. Agitabat. " He was meditating." — Cuncta prospera even- 
tura. The adjective prospera is here used adverbially. Compare 
Catiline, chap. 26. "Quae occulte tentaverat, aspera foedaque 
evenerant." 

7. Praeter vetustatem familiae. " Except antiquity of family." 
Noble birth. — Alia omnia. "All other qualifications." — Animus 
belli ingens, &c. "A spirit intrepid in war, moderate in peace." 
This animus domi modicus underwent a change, when, as will be 
seen in a subsequent chapter, ambitione praeceps datus est. 

8. His natus. Understand virtutibus after his. Most editions 
read Sed is, natus, &c. The lection we have adopted, however, 
appears decidedly preferable, as marking the contrast between the 
early and later periods of Marius's life. 

9. Stipendiis faciundis. " In actual service." Literally, " in 
making campaigns." 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 175 

Page. 

10. Urbanis munditiis. " The luxurious refinements of a city AQ 
life." These are enlarged upon by Marius in the course of his 
speech before the people, chap. 85. — Inter artis bonas. " Amid 
manly practices." By a course of manly discipline. 

11. Plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus. The reason of this 
was, because he had been born and brought up out of the city, and 
been always hitherto conversant with camps and warfare." — Facile 
notus. " Being easily recognised by name." At first, no one 
knew who the candidate was : but when his name, Caius Marius, 
was heard, he was easily recognised by the people as a brave and 
gallant soldier. 

12. Per omnis tribus. The tribes were, at this period, thirty- 
five in number. Compare Livy, 33, 25. 

13. In potestatibus . " In the exercise of authority." — Ampliore. 
" Of a higher office." 

14. Ad id locorum. " Up to that time." Locus is here used 
for tempus. Compare chapter 72. " Post id locorum" i. e. postea. 
So Terence uses interea loci for interea, and Plautus interibi. 

15. His. "By these," i. e. the nobility. 

16. Cupido animi. " His ambitious feelings." — Petundi. Sup- 
ply consulatum. — Missionem. " Leave of absence." A furlough. 

1. Contemtor animus. " A disdainful spirit." — Tarn prava. " So A A 
erroneous a line of conduct." 

2. Jure. " With good reason." On account of his low birth, 
and want of proper education. 

3. Ubi primum, &c. " As soon as he should be allowed to do 
this, by the state of public affairs," i. e. as soon as he, Marius, 
could be spared from the army. 

4. Satis mature. " Soon enough." — Cum filio suo. With his 
(Metellus's) son," i. e. when his son should be old enough to stand 
candidate along with him — Contubernio patris. "In the tent of 
his father." Contubernium properly denotes a certain number of 
soldiers quartered in the same tent. Hence young noblemen, un- 
der the general's particular care, were said to serve or live in his 
tent (contubernio ejus militare) and were called his contubernales. 

5. Annos natus, &c. As the strictly legal age for obtaining the 
consulship was 43 years, Marius, according to the ironical advice 
of Metellus, would have to wait 23 years longer : and as we may 
suppose Marius to have been, at the time here alluded to, at least 
43 years, (since he entertained thoughts of then standing for the 
consulship,) he would have to delay his suit until he was 66 years 
old. Compare Plutarch's account of this same matter, at the con- 
clusion of note 3, page 47, of this narrative. 



176 NOTES TO THE 

t Page. 

AA 6. Grassari. " He advanced boldly onward to the object of his 
ambition." 

7. Ambitiosum. " Calculated to gain popularity.'' — Laxiore im- 
perio. " Under a more relaxed discipline." — Negotiator es. The 
negotiatores, especially under the republic, were they who remained 
for some considerable time in one particular place, whether at Rome 
or in the provinces. The mercatorcs, on the contrary, remained a 
very short time in any place ; they visited many countries, and 
were almost constantly occupied with importing or exporting arti- 
cles of merchandise. 

8. Criminose simul, &c. " Both in a style of accusation as re- 
garded Metellus, and of boasting with respect to himself." — Dimi- 
dia pars. Understand si, and compare Virgil, Aen. 6, 31, " sincret 
dolor." 

9. Trahi. Understand helium. — Quod homo inanis, &c. "Be- 
cause, being a vain man, and with all the haughtiness of a king." 
The epithet regiae is well calculated to arouse the indignant feelings 
of Romans. 

10. Corruperant. " They had impaired." — Animo cupienti. " To 
an ardent spirit." One impatient to attain its object. 

11. Secundum hercdem. By hacrcs scauidus (next or second 
heir) among the Romans, was meant the individual to whom the 
inheritance descended, if the heir or heirs who were first appointed 
did not choose to accept, or died under the age of puberty. 

12 Mente paullum immiftuta. " With his mental faculties a 
little impaired." 

13. Sclhun. The general had a chair of state, on which he sat 
when he presided in a council of war, or in judgment, or gave audi- 
ence to ambassadors. His lieutenants, or legati, and other persons 
of distinction, took places around him ; and if a king happened to be 
in the army, he sat next to the general on his right hand. The 
sella curulis, used not only on these occasions, but by all the higher 
classes of Roman magistrates, was a stool or seat without a back, 
with four crooked feet fixed to the extremities of cross pieces of 
wood, joined by a common axis, somewhat in the form of the letter 
X, and covered with leather ; so that it might be conveniently folded 
together for the purpose of carriage, and set down wherever the 
magistrate chose to use it. It was frequently adorned with ivory, 
and hence called Curule ebur. 

14. Custodiae caussa. He was apprehensive lest he might meet 
with the same fate as Massiva, who had been assassinated at Rome. 
— Equitum Rottuinorum. '* Of Roman horse." Not of Roman 
knights, but of the cavalry of the army. — Honorem. Referring to 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 177 

Page 
the privilege of sitting next to the commander on the right. — Reges A A 
adpellavisset. " Had saluted with the title of kings." — Numidae. 
The dative case. 

1. Anxium. "Vexed at the refusal." — Secunda oratione. " In £& 
a flattering speech." — Id adeo. " That this indeed." Adeo is here 
equivalent to vero. 

2. Milites et negotiator es. Both these terms apply to equites 
Romanos, by which last are here meant, not the cavalry merely, as 
in the previous instance, but members of the equestrian order, some 
of whom served in the army, while others were engaged in carrying 
on trade. — Aspere. "Harshly." 

3. Hones tissuma suffragatione. " By a very respectable in- 
terest," i. e. by great numbers, in a manner highly honourable. — 
Plebes. A noun of the fifth declension, plebes — ei, unless we con- 
sider, as some do, the form plebei as an old dative, where the diph- 
thong ei is put in the place of the long final i. If so, the genitive 
of plebes will be plebis, and it will be, like plebs, a noun of the third 
declension. 

4. Omissa dcditione. The narrative now returns, after this 
digression respecting Marius, to the state of things mentioned at 
the close of chapter 62. — Bellum incipit. " Begins the war anew." 
Renews the war. Incipit is here to be taken in the sense of rursus 
incipit, or renovat. 

5. Adfectare. " He strove to recover." — Communire. " He 
carefully fortified." — Reficere. " He made anew." — Commercari. 
" Bought up on all sides." — Cuncta agitare. u He put every 
engine in motion." Left nothing unattempted. 

6. Vagenscs, quo. Translate quo, " in whose city." — Pacificante. 
" "Was making proposals for peace." — Suppliciis. " By the entrea- 
ties." — Voluntate. " In affection." — Principes. To be construed 
along with Vagenscs. " The principal inhabitants of Vaga." 

7. Nam volgus, &c. The lower orders are here referred to in 
their turn. The meaning of the historian is, that the principal in- 
habitants conspired against the Romans, because they still retained 
an attachment to Jugurtha, and were, therefore, easily prevailed 
upon by his entreaties. The lower orders, however, needed no soli- 
citation for this purpose, as they were naturally fond of change, and 
impatient of repose. 

8. Discordiosum. " Contentious." Fond of discord and quarrels. 
This is supposed by some to be a word peculiar to Sallust. It 
occurs, however, in Sidonius (Ep. 6, 2, extr.) and Cyprian (Ep. 
42, 2.) 

9. Festus. Days among the Romans were divided into dies festi, 



178 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

^5 " holy days •" dies profesti, " common days ;" and dies intercisi, 
"half holy days." The dies profesti, again, were the same with 
the dies fasti, or those on which the courts of law could be held, 
and the dies festi were the same with the dies nefasti, or days on 
which no law business could be transacted. 

10. Ludum et lasciviam, &c. " Presented an appearance of 
sport and merriment, rather than of what was calculated to 
alarm." 

11. Quippe. In the sense of utpote. — Sine imperio. " Under 
no command." — Acta consiliumque. " Of what had been done, 
and of the plot which had been formed." Acta refers to what had 
been arranged beforehand by the conspirators, not to what was then 
passing, which would have been expressed by quae agebantur. 

46 1- Trepidare ad arcem oppidi. " Hurried in great confusion to 
the citadel." — Praesidium hostium. "A guard of the enemy 
stationed there." — Pro tcctis. " In front of the roofs," i. e. on the 
eaves of the houses. 

2. Anceps malum. " The evil which threatened on all sides." — 
Infirmissumo generi. " The feeblest portion of the human race," 
i. e. women and boys. 

3. In eatanta asperitate. " In this so distressing a situation of 
affairs." — Nisi. "Except that." Equivalent to nisi quod. — In- 
testabilisque. " Infamous," or, "detestable." The word properly 
denotes one who can neither make a will, be a witness, nor receive 
a testamentary bequest. Sallust, in his account of the conduct of 
Turpilius, does not agree with Plutarch, who makes the accusation 
to have been a false one, and Turpilius to have been condemned 
through the agency of Marius. Compare note 3, page 47. 

4. E conspectu abit. " Withdraws from public view," i. e. from 
the view of the army. Understand militum. — Ira et aegritudo. 
" Resentment and grief." 

5. Numidas Equites. Forming part of the allied forces. — Ex- 
veditos. "Disencumbered of baggage." — Horam tertiam. The 
Romans divided the natural day, or the space from sunrise to sunset, 
into twelve hours, which were of course shorter in winter and longer 
in summer. At the equinoxes, the third hour would exactly coin- 
cide with our ninth. The night was divided into four watches, each 
consisting of three hours, which were likewise of a different length 
at different times of the year. Thus hora sexta noctis, " midnight." 
— Septima, "one o'clock in the morning," &c. 

6. Abnuentis omnia. "Entirely averse to any farther exertion.*' 
Sallust does not mean that the troops now openly refused obedience 
to orders, but that, by then looks and gestures, they plainly expressed 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 



1?9 



Page, 
their unwillingness to proceed. This is extremely well indicated by £fi 
abnuentis. 

7. Milk passuum. " A mile." Literally, " a thousand paces." 
The Roman passus, or, "pace," was equal to one yard, 1.85375 
feet of English measure, and, consequently, the Roman mile was 
1617 yards, 2.75 feet. 

8. Praedam benigne ostentat. " He generously offers them the 
booty of the place." — Inprimo. Understand agmine. — Late. The 
object of this arrangement was that the cavalry might conceal from 
view the infantry behind them. 

9. Numidas equites. It is now seen why these were stationed 
in front. — Rursum. Referring to their change of opinion. Render 
the clause, "having changed their opinion, and thought it was 
Jugurtha." 

1. Volgum. The ancient writers generally prefer volgum or A^ 
vulgum, in the accusative, to volgus or vulgus. — Effusum. " That 
had poured out in great numbers." 

2. Ex perfidia. "After their treachery." — Poenae cuncta, &c. 
" Was entirely given up to punishment or plunder." Poenae fuit 
is an unusual form of expression, but does not offend when placed 
in the same sentence with the more usual construction praedae fuit. 

3. Capite poenas solvit. According to Plutarch, Turpilius and 
his family had long been retainers to that of Metellus, and he 
attended him in this war in the character of master of the artificers. 
Marius, who was one of the council of war that tried him, was not 
only himself severe against him, but stirred up most of the other 
judges ; so that it was carried against the opinion of Metellus, and 
it was much against his will that he passed upon him sentence of 
death. A short time afterwards, according to Plutarch, the accusa- 
tion appeared a false one, and all the other officers sympathized 
with Metellus, who was overwhelmed with sorrow ; while Marius 
with joy declared that the thing was all his own doing, and was not 
ashamed to acknowledge, in all companies, that he had lodged an 
avenging fury in the breast of Metellus, which would not fail to 
punish him for having put to death the hereditary friend of his family. 
Plutarch states, that after this they became more open enemies, and 
that the conversation between Metellus and Marius, of which 
Sallust makes mention in the 64th chapter of this narrative, took 
place subsequently to this event. According to the biographer, one 
day, when Marius was standing by, Metellus said by way of insult, 
" You are thinking, then, my good friend, of leaving us, and going 
home to solicit the consulship : would you not be contented to stay, 
and be consul with this son of mine V 1 The son of Metellus, adds 



180 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

4*7 Plutarch, was then very young. {Pint. Vit. Mar. c. 8.— red. Hutten. 
vol. 3, p. 68.) 

4. Nam is civis ex Latio erat. It was enacted by the Porcian 
law, that no one should bind, scourge, or kill, a Roman citizen ; and, 
by the Sempronian law, that sentence should not be passed upon the 
life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. It still 
remains a disputed point whether the operation of these laws was 
suspended or not in the Roman camp. The present passage of 
Sallust goes to prove, that the laws in question were not superseded 
by the military power of the consul, but remained in full force, since 
the words of our author fairly imply that Turpilius would not have 
lost his life had he been a citizen of Rome. In the days of Polybius, 
however, before the period of which Sallust treats, it would appear 
that the punishment of delinquents in the camp was not impeded by 
the laws mentioned above. The subject is discussed by Lipsius, 
{Be Mil. Rom. 5. dial. 18,) though without being brought to any 
definite conclusion. 

5. Evm suspiciens. " Suspecting him." An unusual meaning 
for the verb suspicio, which commonly denotes, " to look upward," 
" to admire," &c. It derives its peculiar force, in the present in- 
stance, from its opposition to suspectus, both suspectus and suspi- 
ciens coming from the same verb. The common form is suspectans. 

6. Fatigare animum. " He wearied his invention." — Popularibus 
suis. " To his countrymen." — Super aver ant. " Had remained 
undone." More literally, "had remained over." To complete the 
construction we may understand agendae, but this is not necessary. 

7. Inter hiberna. In chapter 61 we are informed, that Metellus 
had fixed the winter quarters of his army in that part of the Roman 
province which was nearest to Numidia, and that he had besides 
stationed garrisons in several cities of Numidia. Hence the pro- 
priety of the phrase inter hiberna. 

8. Metusquc rem impediebat. These words are added in order 
to explain the force of perculsus, and are not therefore superfluous, 
as some consider them. 

9. Vcterc consilio. " His former design," i. e. his late engagement. 

10. Mollitiem socordiamque. " The effeminacy and want of 
spirit." — Praemia. The rewards they were to receive from Me- 
tellus, in case they betrayed Jugurtha. — Id modo agitari. u That 
this alone was the question." 

11. Aegrum animum. "A mind burdened with care." Ill at 
ease. — Negotiorum curator. " The manager of his private affairs." 
Some of the French editors make this ofhce the same as that of 
private secretary. It is rather that of confidential agent and adviser. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 181 

Page, 

1. Opera et ingenio suo. " Of his assistance and abilities." — In 4Q 
pulvino. " On the pillow."* 

2. Rem omnem, &c. " Learnt the whole affair, as it had taken 
place." Was informed of all that had taken place. An imitation 
of the Greek idiom, for cognovit uti res omnis acta esset. — Indicem. 
" The informer." — Paravisset. " Had intended to do." — Praeventa. 
" Had been anticipated." 

3. Oppresserat. " He suppressed." — Quieta. " Given to unin- 
terrupted repose." Jugurtha enjoyed no tranquillity of mind either 
by day or night. — Fuere. Some editions have fait, and, strictly 
speaking, the singular is here the proper form on account of the dis- 
junctive aut which precedes. Similar deviations, however, some- 
times occur in the best writers. Thus Cicero, (Or. 2, 4, 16,) " Ne 

Sulpicius aut Cotta plus quam ego apud te valere vide- 

antur." So Longinus, (c. 14, ed. Weiske,) ttwj av TtXaruv ?) 

Arj/jLoadevris vrpaxrav, jj ev laropia QovkvSiStjs. The aim of the 

writers, who use this construction, appears to be, to present the 
different objects to the mind in such a way as that they may operate 
with combined force upon it, and at the same time not lose their 
individuality. 

4. Circumspectare. " He narrowly inspected." — Omni strepitu. 
" At every noise." — Contra decus regium. " In a manner unsuit- 
able to royal dignity." — Ita formidine, &c. How well does Sallust 
here describe the heavy penalty which Jugurtha was now beginning 
to pay for his crimes. 

5. Fatigantem de profectione. " Importuning him for leave to 
depart." — Quae de Metello ac Mario, &c. Compare chapter 65, 
towards the close. — Volenti animo, &c. " Receded, with feelings 
of satisfaction, the accounts contained in them respecting both." 
Volenti animo are here ablatives, and not, as some think, datives 
with quae erant understood, in imitation of the Greek construction. 

6. Uli alteri. " To the other." Illi is here used for the defini- 
tive article. The reference is to Marius. — Studia partium. " The 
violence of party-spirit." 

7. Metellum capitis arcessere. " Charged Metellus with capital 
offences." Arcesso properly means " to send for," " to summon," 
" to summon to a court of justice," &c. 

1. Quorum res fidesque, &c. "Whose whole substance and AQ 
credit depended on their daily labour." — Frequentarent Marium. 

" Attended Marius in crowds." 

2. Post multas tempestates. " After a long series of years," i. e. 
after a long period of uninterrupted possession on the part of the 
former, namely, the nobility. Cicero, another novus homo, obtained 

18 



182 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

^C) the consulship a long time after Marius. Some very erroneously 
refer tempcstates in this passage to civil dissentions, contrary to the 
usage of Sallust. Compare Catiline, chapter 53, " multis tempes- 
tatibus." 

3. Decreverat. " Had decreed this," i. e. the management of 
this war* Some editions have Numidiam expressed, which is equiva- 
lent. The determination of the consular provinces properly belonged 
to the senate. Sometimes, however, the people, as in the present 
instance, reversed what the senate had decreed respecting the pro- 
vinces. So the attempt of Marius, by means of the tribune Sul- 
picius, to get the command of the war against Mithridates transferred 
from Sylla to himself by the suffrages of the people, gave occasion 
to the first civil war at Rome. 

4. Bocchum. Bocchus was king of Mauritania. Compare chap. 19. 

5. Varius incertusque agitabat. Understand sese. " Was dis- 
tracted by a variety of schemes, and uncertain which to put in ope- 
ration." — Neque illi res, &c. " Neither any result, nor any plan 
of operations, nor any individual fully pleased him." Res is here 
equivalent to facta, and consilium to faciend a. 

6. Quocumque intendcrat. Understand animum. " ^lutherso- 
everhe directed his thoughts." 

7. Pro tempore. "As well as the occasion would admit." — 
Ejus militcs. These words have very much the appearance of a 
useless gloss, though they are given in all the manuscripts. 

8. Tuta sunt. For tuita sunt, from tueor. The primitive form 
was tuor, tuitus sum, tui. Compare Catullus, 20, 5. Stat. Achtil. 
1, 131, ap. Prise. 8, 17. Plant. Asin. 2, 3, 23, &c. 

9. Impensius modo, &c. "Now more than ever distrusting the 
success of his affairs." 

' 10. Filiorumque ejus, &c. "And where many things had been 
provided for the educating and rearing of his offspring." Filiorinn 
appears to be here used both for sons and daughters. Compare the 
remark of Quintilian, (9, 3,) " Jungit autcm et dirersos sexus, ut 
cum marem feminamque JUios dicimus." So also, Cortius, (ad. loc.) 
" Filiorum credo etiam adjilias Jugurthae spec tat. A pot tore enim 
sexu denominationem sumunt, et rilios, fratres, soceros, patres, avos, 
rcges, dicunt, qui sunt ex utroque sexu." 

11. Flumcnquc proxumum. Referring to the last river that would 
be met with before coming to Thala. — Patrandi. In the sense of 
conjiciendi, tt bring to a close." — Xaturam etiam. Referring to 
the difficulties presented by the arid country which intervened. 
5Q 1. Vasa. In the singular vas, vasis, in the plural vasa^ vasorum. 
The old nominative vasum occurs in Plaut. True. 1. 1, 33 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 183 

Page. 

2. Ubi praesto foreni. We have adopted the reading of all the QQ 
old editions, forent, instead of fuerint, which latter is given by 
Cortius and others. The sense requires forent, "where they should 

be ready." 

3. Eamodo. "It alone." — Officio, intender ant. " Had overdone 
their duty," i. e. had exceeded their instructions. Intender e has 
here the force of " augere" " in magnitudinem extendcre." Com- 
pare Suetonius, {Tib. 62,) " Auxit intenditque saevitiam." 

4. Religione. " From a religious feeling." They ascribed the 
rain to the manifest interposition of the gods. — Animis eorum. 
" To their courage." The more usual form would be the singular 
animo. 

5. Locorum asperitate. " By the difficulties which the country 
presented." 

6. Infectum. " Impracticable." — Arma, tela. These terms must 
be translated generally, " calculated for defence, for offence." — 
Ceteris impentantem. " Giving laws to the rest of men." Imperito 
denotes the frequent exercise of unlimited authority, and is well 
calculated to express the superiority of nature over the efforts of 
man. — Lidustna. " By persevering efforts." 

7. Per otium, &c. " In time, of leisure, and in consequence of 
opportunity." 

8. Praelio inter. tos. " Determined to defend themselves." 
Equivalent to "ad strenue pugnandum paratos." 

9. Ex copta. " Out of the whole number," which the situation 
of the place afforded. Sallust does not mean, out of a large num- 
ber, but out of as many as the place presented for selection. 

10. Et super aggerem, &c. We have given the reading of 
Cortius. The Bipont edition has, insuper aggtre, turribus, opus 
et administros tutari. 

11. Multo ante labore, &c. In construing, we must render ante 
as if it were an adjective qualifying labore and praeliis. "At 
length, the Romans, worn out by much previous fatigue and fight- 
ing," i. e. previously to taking the place. Ante is equivalent, in 
fact, to antequam urbem ceperint. 

12. Post dies quadraginta, quam, &c. Equivalent to die quad- 
ragesimo postquam eo ventum erat. Consult note 3, page 68. — 
Oppido modo potiti. " Made themselves masters of the town alone." 
— Corrupta. " Was destroyed." 

1. Arietibus. The most formidable machine made use of by the gj 
Romans for the taking of cities was the aries, or " battering ram ;" 
a long beam, like the mast of a ship, and armed at one end with iron 
in the form of a ram's head ; whence it had its name. It was sus* 



184 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

5 1 pended by the middle with ropes or chains fastened to a beam that 
lay across two posts, and, hanging thus equally balanced, it was by 
a hundred men, more or less, (who were frequently changed,) 
violently thrust forward, drawn back, again pushed forward, till by 
repeated strokes it had shaken and broken down the wall with its 
iron head. The ram was covered with sheds or mantlets, called 
vineae, which have already been described. 

2. Adflictas. " Completely ruined." Literally, " dashed to the 
ground." — Prima. " Most valuable." Compare Catiline, chapter 
36. — Eas ipsi xolentes pependere. "This (punishment) they suf- 
fered voluntarily from their own hands." Literally, " these (atone- 
ments) they of themselves voluntarily paid." They had nothing to 
expect from the Roman commander, in case they fell into his hands, 
but the cruelest punishment. 

3. Pariter cum capta Thala. The same as Eodem tempore quo 
Thala capta fuit. — Pracfcctumque. "And governor." — Ni id 
fcstinaret. " That unless he should hasten to do this," i. e. to 
afford them aid. 

4. Suam salutcm, &c. Ulorum in this passage refers to the 
Romans, and it is the same as if Sallust had said, suam, qui 
Ulorum socii essent, salutcm. The passage may hence be para- 
phrased as follows : " they, the allies of the Romans, would be 
involved in the greatest danger." Or, wc may render more literally, 
though less in accordance with the English idiom, " their safety, 
who were the allies of the Romans, would be in the greatest danger." 

5. Navi feceraiit. " They had executed with promptness." The 
more usual form, and, we may add, the earlier one, would seem to 
have been gnavus, not navus. The term appears to be derived 
from, or analogous to, the Greek ycwalos, by contraction yvaios, and 
with the insertion of the digamma, dropping at the same time the i, 
we have yvaFo?, in Latin gnavus. 

6. Sit um inter duos Syrtis. Of course, Lcptis Magna is meant. 
Consult Geographical Index. — Quibus nomen, &c. "To which 
this name has been given from the circumstances of the case." 
Consult Geographical Index, under the article Svrtes. 

7. Extrema Africa. The extremity of Africa towards the east 
is here meant, according to the ancient division of it, bv which 
Egypt w r as excluded from it and made part of Asia. — Proxutna. 
Understand loca. 

8. Uti fors tulit. "As chance has brought it about." — Alta ; 
alia in tempest ate raJosa. " Are at one time deep, at another shal- 
low." Some very erroneously explain this as if alia agreed with loca 
understood, and in tempest ate meant " during tempestuous weather." 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 185 

Page. 

9. Leges, cultusque, &c. " Their laws and the principal features 51 
m their mode of life were Sidonian." Cultus is here the genitive 
depending upon pleraque the plural neuter. 

10. Frequentem Numidiam. " The thickly-settled part of Nu- 
midia." — Multi vastique loci. " A large tract of desert country." 

11. Indignum. " Unsuitable." — Facinus. "Achievement," 

1. Pleraeque Africae. Compare chapter 54. " Plerumque ex- 52 
ercitum" and consult note 2, page 38. — Ager in medio arenosus, 
&c. " A sandy region intervened, of one uniform appearance," i. e. 

a naked, open plain." 

2. Legiones. "Armies." Sallust here speaks " more Romano" 
and applies to other nations terms which can only suit his own. 

3. Per inducias. " During a truce." — Legati. " Deputies." 

4. Quibus nomen Philaenis erat. " Whose name was Philaeni." 
An elegant construction, the dative Philaenis being attracted, as 
the grammarians term it, to the dative of the person. The plain 
syntax would be, quibus nomen Philaeni (or Philaenorum) erat. 
Compare Livy, (3, 17,) " Consules leges decemvirales, quibus 
tabulis duodccim est nomen, in aes incisas in publico proposuerunt." 

5. Nuda gignentium. " Bare of vegetation." Compare chapter 
93. " Cuncta gignentium." 

6. M or art iter. Understand solet, iter being the accusative de- 
pending on morari. 

7. Ob rem corruptam. " For their mismanagement." — Criminari. 
u Alleged." The primitive meaning of crimen is a charge, or accu- 
sation. — Conturbare rem. " They threw the whole matter into 
confusion," i. e. they maintained that the whole agreement was 
null and void. 

8. Graeci. The Cyreneans, as being a Greek colony. — Optionem 
Carthaginiensium faciunt. " Give the Carthaginians their choice." 
— Vel Mi. Understand ut, which is expressed in some editions. 

9. Aras consccravere. Consult Geographical Index, under the 
article Philcnon arae. 

1. Ordints habere. " To keep their ranks." — Imperium ob- 53 
servare. " To obey orders." — Alia militaria facer e. " To perform 
other military duties." 

2. Proxumos. " The intimate friends," i. e. the confidants and 
favourites. — Ad studium sui. "To favour his views."— Quis. For 
quibus. 

3. Facilius proniusque. " The more easy to be effected, and 
the more agreeable to the inclinations of Bocchus." It is the same 
as if Sallust had said, facilius factu propter Bocchi pronam ad bd~ 
lum suscipiendum voluntatem. 



186 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

53 4. Opportunissumam. " Most advantageous." Promising to be 
productive of the most important aid. 

5. Bocchi. Many of the old editions read Boccho, in the dative, 
making Bocchus to have been Jugurtha's son-in-law. The Abbe 
Brotier, relying upon this reading and some of Sylla's medals, pro- 
poses to substitute, in Plutarch's life of Marius, where mention is 
made of the Moorish king, the term son-in-law (yahoos), for father- 
in-law (7rcvQep6s). But M. Vauvilliers more judiciously contends, 
from six manuscripts of Sallust, and in conformity with Florus (3, 
1) for the term father-in-law. In this Larcher concurs. Cortius, 
the Bipont editor, Burnouf, Planche, Kunhardt, &c. read Bocchi. 

6. Ea necessitudo. " This connexion." — Dcnas. 4% Ten a piece." 

7. Animus multitudine distralutur. ''Affection is weakened by 
the large number that have claims upon the heart." Literally, 
44 the heart is distracted amid a large number." — Xulla pro soda 
oblinct. " No one of them enjoys the rank of consort." 

8. Profunda avant>, ;>le cupidity." A metaphor 
borrowed from a deep tmgnHing whirlpool. Compare Livy (29, 
17,) 44 8t tirantiam toft ''/, unam pro- 
fundam quidcm voragincm tamen pattejitia nostra cxplcrcm 

9. Quis omnia That all monarch ) them 
objects of hostile regard." Quis for quibus, and, as it begins a 
clause, to be rendered by illis. 

10. Turn sesc, &c. M That, at present, he hin. hat. a 
short time previous, the and also k - had 
been ; that, for the tune fa - each one appeared very pof 
ful, so he would he regarded is, :ie Romans." Perse* 
had been king of Macedonia, and was vanquished and led in triumph 
by Paulus Aeimlius. 

11. Operae pretium fore. Understand sibi. " He would obtain 
a recompense for his labour," i. e. by making himself master of 
what was contained in the city. 

12. Bocchi pace m imminuerc. " To lessen Bocchus's chance of 
peace." — Moras amtando. Equivalent to marando. 

13. Copnitis Mauris. "After he had made himself acquainted 
with the character of the Mauri." — Ex commodo. "On advanta- 
geous terms." 

p*j 1. Supra bo?ium atque hone stum. * Beyond what was right and 
becoming." — Fir tg r tg w u in aliis artibus, <kc. ''Though a man 
illustrious for other high qualities, he bore mental affliction with too 
little rirmness." 

2. Vortcbant. "Attributed." — Bonum ingenium. "An hon- 
ourable spirit." Understand diccbant after alti. — Multi. "Many 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 187 

Page, 
asserted that it was owing to the following circumstance." Supply EL A 
after multi the words hanc esse doloris causam arbitrabantur, or 
something equivalent. 

3. Magis cxcruciatum. " Was more severely tortured." — Tarn 
anxie. " With so much pain of mind." 

4. Stultitiae. Understand esse. M To be the part of folly." — 
Alienam rem. "The interests of another." Referring to Marius, 
the new consul. 

5. Magiiam copiam. " A great opportunity." 

6. Omne bellum, &c. u That every war was easy to be under- 
taken, but ended with the greatest difficulty." Sumi is here used 
in the sense of inapi. — Depcmi cum victores vclint. Compare Cati- 
line, chapter 56. Nemo Tiist victor pace bellum mutant/' 

7. Pcrditis. M The ruined ones." Understand rebus. 

8. Satis placule. " Very mildly." — Si cadcm copia, &c. " That 
if the same opportunity were afforded to that monarch." If the 
same offer were extended to Jugurtha. 

9. Contra. " In reply to." — ilia partxm probarc. Referring to 
Bocchus. — Bellum int actum tram. u The war was protracted, 
without any thing of importance being done." 

10. Cupicntissuma plebe. u In full accordance with the wishes 
of the populace." Literally, "by the very eagerly desiring com- 
mons." — Jussit. The accusative prorinciam is generally thought 
to be dependant here on jussit. The simpler construction, however, 
would be jussit Xumnliam esse pr ovine iam ci. 

11. Multus atque ferox i?istn - frequent and violent in 
his attacks on that order." The adjectives multus and ferox are 
here elegantly employed instead of the adverbs multum and 
fcrocitur. 

12. Sese consulatum, &c. Compare the account given by 
Plutarch : u He (Marius) scrupled not to say, that he had taken the 
consulship, as so much booty, from the effeminacy of the high born 
and the rich." 

13. Magnified pro se, &c. " Full of boasting as regarded him- 
self, and, at the same time, galling to them." 

14. Prima habere. " He considered of primary importance." — 
Populis ct regibus. Foreign communities and monarchs. — Sociis. 
The Italian allies. 

1. Plerosque militide, &c. " Most of them known to him in war, g^ 
a few by report." We have here an instance of double construction 

not unusual in Sallust. Militide (scil. in tempore) is equivalent 
here to apud exercitum. 

2. Ambiendo cogere, &c. "By going around in a friendly man- 



188 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

£J£J ner, he induced persons who had served out their time to go along 
with him." Veterans, who were exempt from any farther military 
duty, were sometimes induced to serve again by special request 
from a commander. If they did so, they were freed from all the 
drudgery of the camp, such as going for water, wood, forage, stand- 
ing guard, &c. and were generally marshalled by themselves under 
a standard of their own. The military age with the Romans began 
at seventeen, and ended generally with the forty-fifth year, after 
which period they were exempt, and only served if they pleased, as 
has just been stated. They were then called emeriti stipendus, 
and, from their being invited to serve a second time, exocati. 

3. Ceterum etiam. "Nay they even." — Quia neque plcbi, &c. 
We have here an imitation of the Greek construction alluded to in 
note 5, page 48. a Because military service was thought to be dis- 
agreeable to the common people, and Marius to be likely to lose the 
new levies that were needed for the war, or else the affections of 
the multitude." Compare the following examples of the Greek 
idiom : — Ovk av tfioiyc fknp&m* ra yivoiro. u I had not expected 
this." (Od. 3, 228.) 'Ettci (5' uv TiSoftevoHriv kfU9 oi \6yoi yty6va<Ti. 

" Since we were pleased with your discourse." {Herod. 9, 46.) 
Tw Ni*f<i Trpoc6c%ofiEv(>) r\v ra irepi rCiv NBytrafatr. " Nicias expected 
the events in Segesta." (Thucyd. 6, 46.) We have an imitation 
also in Tacitus, (Agric. 18.) " Quibus bellum volentibus erat, and 
in chapter 100 of the present narrative. 

4. Tanta lubido. u So strong a desire." — Ammis trahebant 
lt They fancied in their minds." Equivalent to animo fingebant. 

5. Exagitandi. " Of inveighing against." — Concwnem. The 
primitive meaning of concio is, as in the present instance, an assem- 
bly convened to hear an harangue. Its secondary meaning is an 
harangue itself. 

6. Scio ego, Quirites, &c. " I am well aware, Romans, that 
most persons do not seek an office from you, and discharge its 
duties after they have obtained it, in the same character." — Modicos. 
14 Modest in their deportment." 

7. Contra ca. "The opposite to all this" — Videtur. '-.Ap- 
pears to be the true course." 

8. JViawi, ike. " For it is my opinion, that," &c. Under- 
stand videtur to govern debere. 

9. Neque me fallit, &c. "Nor does it escape my observation, 
how heavy a burden I am called upon to sustain, in consequence 
of the signal favour you have conferred upon me." More literally, 
44 how heavy a task, &c. together with your very great act of kind- 
ness." I am well aware, how laborious, at the present juncture, 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 189 

Page, 
are the duties of that station to which in your kindness you have g£J 
called me. 

10. Opinione, Quirites, asperius est. " Is more difficult, Ro- 
mans, than is generally supposed." 

11. Ad hoc. From this to the end of the sentence, nam alia 
infirma sunt, Marius seeks to show, how absolutely necessary it is 
for him to be possessed of integrity and principle, since he wants 
all those adventitious aids on which the nobility rely for impunity 
in their guilty career. — Nam alia infirma sunt. " For my other 
supports are weak." 

12. Et Mud intellego. A new argument is here advanced, to 
show why he must labour strenuously and faithfully in his new 
office. In order, namely, that he may fulfil the hopes of the good, 
and disappoint the expectations of the bad. 

13. Acquos bonosque. " That the just and the upright." These 
are flattering epithets purposely applied to the commons. — Quippe 
bene/acta, &c. " Since the correct discharge of duty, on my part, 
proves of service to my country." 

14. Invadcndi. " Of attack." Some understand me, it is better, 
however, to take the verb here absolutely, without any special 
reference to a case. The nobility may be considered, according to 
the idea of Marius, as watching for an opportunity of attacking both 
the commons and himself. 

15. Ut neque vos capiamini, &c. "That you may not be 
ensnared, and that they may be disappointed." A thing est frustra, 
when it is attended with no advantage ; a person est frustra when 
disappointed in his hopes. 

1. Itafui. " I have so lived." Fui is here used in an uncom- p?/» 
mon sense for aetatcm egi. — Consueta. " Familiar to me." 

2. Ante vestra beneficia. u Before I received any favours at 
your hands." — Accepta mercede. Alluding to the consulship. — 
Dcscram. " To discontinue." Or, perhaps, the verb is susceptible 
of a still stronger meaning : u Basely to abandon." 

4. Ex Mo globo. " From that throng of nobility." The patricians 
are here contemptuously designated as a mere crowd or herd. 

3. In potestatibus temper are. " To act with moderation in 
the exercise of authority." — In optumis artibus. " In the most 
praiseworthy pursuits." — Bcnefacere. "To do what duty de- 
mands," i. e. the correct discharge of duty. Equivalent to honeste 
agere. 

5. Veteris prosapiae, &c. " Of ancient lineage, and a long line 
of ancestors, and a total stranger at the same time to all military 
service." The sense requires a slight pause between et and nulling 



190 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

gg stipendii, in order to excite expectation on the part of the hearer, 

and make the contrast more striking. In explanation of the phrase 

multarum imaginum, consult note 1, page 3. 

6. Ignarus omnium. " Ignorant of all things, that a good com- 
mander ought to know." — Trepidet, fcstinet. " He may, when 
called on to act, be plunged into the greatest confusion, may hurry 
to and fro. 

7. Homines praeposteri. " Preposterous creatures." Praepos- 
terus is compounded of prae and posterns, i. e. " qui prima in 
posteriori loco ponit." The term homines is here used to denote 
strong contempt. 

8. Nam gcrere, quam fieri, &c. After gerere understand con- 
sulatum, and after fieri, consulcm. The whole clause may be ren- 
dered as follows : " For the discharge of the duties of the consul- 
ship, though posterior, in point of time, to the being elected consul, 
is in reality prior to it, as regards the truth itself and the advantages 
resulting to the state." The idea intended to be conveyed is this : 
In strictness of language, no one can be said to hold a station, the 
consulship, for example, until he is appointed to it by the suffrages 
of the people. Ami \et, if we take into consideration the faithfui 
discharge of official duties, and the advantages thence resulting to 
the state, we must admit that qualifications and experience are prior 
in the scale of importance to the mere formal appointment to office. 
In a word, they alone are true consuls, who are qualified to dis- 
charge correctly the duties of the consulship, when they pi\ 
themselx the people as candidates for that high station; 
and the administration of such men only will prove beneficial to the 
state. 

9. Generosissumum. " The noblest.'' Compare the language 
of the poet, " Virtue alone is true nobility." 

10. Quid responsuros credit is, &c. " What answer do vou 
believe they would make, but that they would have desired the 
worthiest to be their sons.'' — Ex virtute. u From merit." 

11. Ne, ill i falsi sinit. "Yes! widely Jo they err." Ntwma 
p?*y archaism for Me, which comes from the Greek vat. 

1. Ignaritie roluptatem. M The pleasure arising from the indul- 
gence of effeminacy." 

2. Quod contra est. u The reverse of which is the case." lion 
literallv, "which is contrary to the fact." 

3. Postcris lumen est. u Sheds a light over their posterity." 
Lux, strictly speaking, is the light itself, and lumeri, the body which 
imparts the light. — Hujuscc rci inepiam pat tor. Alluding to his 
want of illustrious anrestrv. 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 191 

Page. 

4. Ex aliena virtute. " From the merit of others," i. e. of their 57 
ancestors. 

5. Aliunde Mis facundam, &c. " They will have abundance of 
eloquent and studied language at command." 

6. In maxumo vestro beneficio. "After the very ample favour 
which you have bestowed upon me." — Ne quis modestiam, &c. 
" Lest any one might construe my forbearance into a consciousness 
of guilt." 

7. Ex animi sententia. " As I am well persuaded." 

8. Quippe vera, ccc. " Since a true one must necessarily speak 
well of me ; my life and character confute one that is false." 
Necesse est ut vera oratio praedicet bene de me. 

9. Vestra consilia. " Your measures," i. e. in electing me 
consul. 

10. Fidei caussa. " For the sake of inspiring you with confi- 
dence. 

11. Hastas, vexillum, &c. These were among the rewards of 
bravery bestowed by the Roman commanders on such as had dis- 
tinguished themselves. The hasta was a spear, without any iron 
head, and hence called hasla pura. The vexillum was a streamer 
on the end of a lance or spear, of different colours, with or without 
embroidery. The phalerae were trappings, or ornaments for horses, 
and also for men, worn commonly on the breast. 

12. Relicta — ilia — quae. These are plurals referring to imagines 
et nobilitas. In translating, say : " things, not left to me by inherit- 
ance," &c. 

13. Non sunt composita, &c. " My language (they say) is un- 
polished : for that I care little." — Illis artificio opus est, &c. " They 
have need of artful and studied language, that they may hide their 
infamy beneath a specious covering of words." 

14. Xeque Utteras Graecas didici, &c. " Nor have I learned 
the language of Greece. I felt little inclination to learn it, since it 
has proved of no advantage to those who are its teachers, in making 
them braver men." Alluding to the subjugation of Greece by the 
Romans. " Marius," observes Plutarch, " neither learned to read 
Greek, nor would ever make use of that language upon any serious 
occasion : thinking it ridiculous to bestow time on learning a 
language of which the teachers were slaves. And when, after his 
second triumph, at the dedication of a temple, he exhibited shows 
to the people in the Grecian manner, he barely entered the theatre 
and sat down, and then immediately departed." Plutarch justly 
ascribes, to this neglect of the softening qualities of literary pursuits, 
the excesses which stained the character of Marius. 



192 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

5*7 15. Praesidia agitare. "To guard." Compare the remark of 
Cortius : " Praesidium agitare nihil aliud est quam pratsidio esse, 
vel frumentantibus, vel impedimentis, vel urbi oppugnatae." 

gg 1. Neque illos arte colam, &c. "Nor will I treat them with 
severity of discipline, myself with indulgence." 

2. Hoc est utile, &c. " This is an exercise of authority produc- 
tive of benefit to the state ; this, such as one citizen should put in 
practice towards another." In explanation of the peculiar meaning 
of civile in this passage, compare Livy 6. 40 : — " Scrmo est minime 
civilis ;" and Crevier's note : — " Sermo est qui minime deccat ares, 
memores se cum civibus agere, qui pari jure libertaiis fruuntur, in 
quos minime liceat imperioso genere scrmonis uti." 

3. Tutc. The pronoun. " When you yourself live in luxurious 
indulgence, to compel your army to the performance of their duty 
by severity of punishment, this is to be a tyrant, not a commander " 
AVith esse understand te, so that dominut.i and impcratorcm may be 
accusatives after the verb. 

4. Quia pa rum. snte, &c. " Because I furnish out an entertain- 
ment with little elegance, and keep no buffoon nor cook of higher 
price than my steward : charges which I am perfectly willing to ad- 
mit." The term histrw, which here denotes a buffoon ker:t for the 
amusement of the company, is a general appellation, among other 
Roman writers, for an actor. Livy makes the word of Etrurian 
origin : — M Quia hister Tusco verbo ludw tocubatur, nomen histrioni- 
bus inditum." {Lit. 7. 2.) Festus is undoubtedly wrong in sup- 
posing that they were so called because I originally from 
Histria : — " Histrwnes died quod j>nmum ex IfiflrNl venerint." In 
relation to the inroads of luxury among the Romans, compare 1 

39. 6 : — M Luxuriac emm peregrinae origo ab exeratu Asmtico 
{Manlii Vulsonis, A. U. C. 568) invecta M urbcm est. Ii pnmum 
lectos acratos, vestem stragulam pretwsam, plagulas ct alia tei 
et quae turn magmfirae supcllectilts habebantur, monopodia ct aba- 
cos, Romam advexerunt. Turn psaltnac sambucistnacquc, ct 
ccmriralia hulionum oblcctamenta addita epulis. Epulae quoquc 
ipsae rt cura et sumptu major e apparari cocptae. Turn coquus, 
vilissimum anhquts manapium, et aestimationeet usu inprctioesse ; 
et quod ministenum fucrat, ars haben coepta. Vix tamen ilia, quae 
turn conspicicbantur, serntna crant tuturac luxw 

5. Sanctis rins. •* Other venerable men." — Munditias. "Ef- 
feminate indulgences 

6. Ament, potent. " I^et them indulge in licentious pleasure, 
in wine." — Ubi. Equivalent to M qnibus ambus, zn.1 itn to m 
tllis. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 193 

Page. 
?. Sudorem, pulverem, &c. Every thing here is calculated to gg 
excite the bitterest feelings against a corrupt nobility. 

8. Cladi sunt. "They bring ruin upon." — Mores met. "A 
regard for my own character." — Illorum flagitia. An enumeration 
of their disgraceful excesses would require a much longer discourse. 

9. Avarttiam, imperitiam, superbiam. By these three words 
three commanders are designated. Avaritia refers to Bestia, impe- 
riha to Albinus, and supcrbia to Metellus. 

1 . Militaris aetas. The military age, as has already been re- KCk 
marked, commenced at 17 and ended generally at 46. 

2. Mequc vosque, &c. Marius means that he will, in every in- 
stance, desire his troops to act no otherwise than as they see him act. 

3. Omnia matura sunt. " All things are ripe for the harvest." — 
Quae si dubia y &c. An argument a fortiori. Even if victory, 
spoil, glory, were not within our grasp, still it would become all good 
men to take np arms and aid their country. How much more so 
then when victory is ripe for the harvest \ — Dccebat. For decereU 
The indicative is employed to give an air of greater certainty to the 
clause. 

4. Ncque quisquam parens, &c. The idea is borrowed from 
Plato, (Metux. 20,) Ov yap aQavarovs acpiri iratSag ev^ovro yeviodai, 
dXA* ayadovi teal fiffXctff* 

5. Ex classibus. By the institution of Servius Tullius, the Ro- 
man people were divided into six classes, according to the valuation 
of their property. The richest were placed in the first class, from 
which there was a regular progression, as respected wealth and dig- 
nity, down to the lowest or sixth class. The members of this class 
formed the great bulk of poorer citizens, and were denominated 
capite censi, from having no fortune, but being " rated by the 
head." At first, none of the lowest class were enlisted as soldiers, 
except in dangerous emergencies. The alteration introduced by 
Marius may be regarded as one of the chief causes of the ruin of 
the republic. 

6. Capite censos plerosquc. " Principally from the poorest citi- 
zens." Compare preceding note. — Bonorum. " Of the better 
class." Boni is here equivalent to ditiores. 

7. Quod ab eogenerc, &c. " Because he had been extolled, and 
advanced to office, by that class of persons," i. e. he owed to them, 
first his reputation, and then his advancement. 

8. Cum pretio. " If attended with profit to themselves." 

9. Expletis. " Being filled up." — Agrum. " A tract of country." 
— Cetcrum levia, &c. We have adopted the reading suggested by 
Cortius. The common text has ceterum alia levia aliis locis facere. 

19 



194 NOTES TO THE 

Page: 

QQ 1. Divorsi. " Separating/'— Effusos. " When scattered about 
the country." Equivalent to palantes. 

2. Laetissumis anvnis excipitur. " Is received with the most 
joyful feelings." Consult Historical Index, for an account of the 
subsequent career of this nobleman. 

3. Nihil apud se remissum, &c. " He allowed no remissness in 
his own army nor security in those of the kings." Literally, " no 
remissness with himself, nor security with them. — Ex sociis 
nostris. Referring to the cities and communities of Numidia 
which had surrendered to the Roman arms, and were now regarded 
as a kind of allies. 

4. Armis cxucrat. " Had stripped of his arms," l. e. had com- 
pelled to fly with the loss of his arms. 

5. Belli pat randi. " Calculated to bring the war to a close." 
Scheller and other grammarians would here understand negotia esse, 
making nrgotui govern the genitive belli patrandi expressed. The 
simpler way, however, would be merely to understand esse, in the 
sense of belonging to, appertaining to, &c. and let the genitive belli 
depend upon this verb. 

6. Pro hostibus, &c. " Favourable to the enemy, and most dis- 
advantageous to himself." — Praesidns 7iudatum. '"Would be 
stripped of his strongholds." With nudatum supply in. 

7. Quo impror u That he might, on a sudden, fall 
more heavily upon the Romans." Some read accederet, which is 
far less expressive. — Mubditate ingcmi. u From the fickleness of 
his disposition." 

8. Medioeria. " Operations of no great importance." — Majora 
et magis aspera adgredi. kt To enter upon greater and more diffi- 
cult undertakings " Cortius omits inagis before aspera, and insists 
that the word majora involves also the comparative of the adjective 
which follows. 

9. Hercules Libys. Cicero (X D. 3, 16) makes mention of 
six different individuals who bore the name of Hercules. He is 
silent, however, respecting a Libyan Hercules, unless the one whom 
he mentions second in order, as born of the Nile, and surnamed 
Aegyptius, be the same. In truth, however, the history of Hercules 
is a mere fable. Hercules is the sun, and his twelve labours have 
a direct reference to the twelve signs of the Zodiac. Creuzer has 
discovered some very striking points of resemblance between Her- 

ules, Djemschid, Mithras, and Osiris. 

10. Immunes. " Free from all taxes." — Leri imperio. " Under 
a mild government." This circumstance, and the immunity from 
all tribute would seem to indicate a city of sacerdotal origin. 






JUGURTHINE WAR. 195 

Page. 

1. Infesta serpentibus. Silius Italic us makes mention also of g| 
the African serpents, (1. 211,) and, in his sixth book (v. 146, seqq.) 
describes the contest between the army of Regulus and a monstrous 
serpent, near the river Bagradas. 

2. Quarum vis. " Whose fury." — Ipsa perniciosa. " Deadly 
in itself." — Siti magis, &c. Compare Virgil, Georg. 3, 432. 

3. Usum belli. " Its importance to the war." — Res. " The 
enterprise." — Oppidum Thalam. Compare chapters 75 and 76. 

4. Jugi aqua. " Affording an unfailing supply of water." — Ce- 
tera, &c. Understand aqua. " What they used besides was rahv 
water." 

5. In omni Africa, quae agebat. For in omnibus Afri- 

cams qui agebant (scil. vitam). Cortius reads qui and age- 
bant, which if extremely harsh after Africa. 

6. Salem. Sal is found in the singular as a neuter also. The 
plural sales is masculine, and signifies witticisms. 

7. Illis erat. u Was employed by them." Literally, " food was 
to them." 

8. Tentabatur. " He was threatened." — Arvo. " Tillage." — 
Quodcumqiic iiatum fuerat. M Whatever had been produced from 
the fields," i. e. all the grain. 

9. Pro rei copia. " Considering all circumstances." — Agendum. 
" To be driven on." 

10. Se praedabundum, &c. "He adds, that, after pillaging the 
country, he will come thither at the end of a few days." Literally, 
u that he, pillaging the country, (i. e. at present,) will come there 
after a few days." Understand dicit. The form in bundus has the 
general force of a present participle, with the meaning somewhat 
strengthened. Pracdabundus here denotes an active system of 
pillage. 

11. Centurias. Referring to the infantry, turmas to the cavalry. 
~—Aequaliter. " In equal proportion," i. e. according to their 
respective numbers. 

1. Proxuma. Understand node. — Tumulosum. " Covered with gg 
hills." These hills would conceal his forces from the view of the 
people of Capsa, until the cavalry and light-armed troops could 
strike the first blow. 

2. Res trepidae. " The consternation into which they were 
thrown." 

3. Id f acinus. " This act of severity." Sallust, in what follows, 
makes a poor excuse for the conduct of the Roman commander. — 
Coercitum. " Capable of being kept in subjection." Coercitum, if 
the reading be correct, has here the force of coercendum. Compare 



196 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

ft*2 tne remarks of Cortius, (ad loc.) and Perizom'us, (ad Sanctii Mm. 
1, 15). Still, however, the whole clause is very suspicious. If 
coercitum be taken as the simple participle of the passive voice, 
with the preteritive meaning (" kept in subjection,") it may well be 
asked, when had the inhabitants of the place proved faithless to the 
Romans 1 If, on the other hand, coercitum be taken for cotrcendum, 
the Capsensians are punished on anticipation merely ! For the 
Romans as yet know nothing about them. The only way to obviate 
the difficulty, is by supposing that the allusion in genus kominum, 
&c, is to the race of Numidians generally. 

4. Omnia, non bene, &c. We have adopted the reading of the 
Bipont edition, which has the authority of some manuscripts in its 
favour. Cortius and many subsequent editors read, Omnia non bene 
consvlta in virtutcm trahebantur. Our lection, however, appears 
decidedly preferable, if we only take virtutcm in its more extended 
sense, " military talents." 

5. Modesto impeno. " Under a gentle command." — Deorum 
nutu. " By the will of the gods," i e. their special interposi- 
tion. 

6. Deserta. " Abandoned by their inhabitant- 

7. Adaliam rem adgreditur. An mutation of earlier Latinity. 
The common texts omit ad. Render, " He advances to another 
enterprise." 

8. Non eadem aspcritafc, A:c. M Not marked by the same hazard- 
ous features as that against the Capsensiai 

9. Inter ccteram planitiem. "In the midst of a plain." There 
was only a single mountain, the rest was one entire plain. — Satts 
patens. M Sufficiently large on the top." 

{J3 1- Omnis. In the sense of tot us. Understand mow*. — Xatura. 
The ablative, and opposed to opere et eonsulto. 

2. Importunus. " Unfit for." — Iter eastellanorum. " The path 
by which the inhabitants of the castle went and came," i. e. the 
path leading to it. 

3. Pro opere. M In front of the works." Either to defend them 
against the sallies of the enemy, or to attempt the walls by scaling. 
By the works are here meant the nneae. — Iniquitatem loci. Re- 
ferring to the steepness and narrowness of the path. — Intra rinea*. 
We have here adopted the emendation of Glareanus, trt/ra, in the 
place of inter. The sense requires intra rineas, u under the shelter 
of the rineae. 

4. Administrare. ''To labour." — Optumus quisque. ''The 
bravest." 

5. Anxius trahere cum animo. " Anxiouslv debated with him- 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 197 

Page, 
self." — Omitteretne. " Whether he should give over." — Fortunam. (J3 
" The interposition of fortune." 

6. Aestuans. " In the greatest perplexity." Literally, " boil- 
ing '' with vexation. — Quidam Ligus. The Ligurians were accus- 
tomed to a mountaineer-life, (Flor. 2, 3,) which makes the narra- 
tive of the historian the more probable. 

7. Avorsumpraeliantibus. " On the side opposite to that where 
the two parties were contending." — Cochlcas. Snails were held in 
high repute, as an article of food, among the ancients. Those of 
Africa were particularly prized. (Plin. H. N. 9. 56.) 

8. Solitudinem intcllexit. " He perceived that he was com- 
pletely alone." He saw no traces of any human being. — Ignara. 
In the sense of ignota. Compare Aulus Gellius, 9, 12. 

9. Paullulum modo prona, &c. " Bending a little downward at 
first, then taking a turn and growing upward, a direction to which 
their nature causes all vegetable productions to tend." Cuncta 
gigncntium put for quaecumque terra gignuvtur. 

10. Castelli planitiem perscribit. " Reconnoitres the platform 
of the fortress." With perscribit understand animo. 

11. Eadem. Supply via. — Tcmcre. " Heedlessly," or "care- 
lessly." 

12. Ex praesentibus . Understand quosdam. — Paullum arrcctus. 
" Somewhat aroused." The distinction between paullum and parum 
should be noted by the student. Paullum means " a little," parum 
'•little." Thus paullum pecuniae, "a little money," "some 
money ;" but parum pecuniae, " little money," hardly any. 

1. Tubicinum et cor?iicinum. " Of trumpeters and cornet- r** 
blowers." 

2. Ex praecepto. " According to the instructions of Marius." — 
Pcrgit. Understand Ligus. — Mi quae ccnturiis praerant. A cir- 
cumlocution merely for centuricmes. Cortius, however, suspects 
that there is something wnrong in the text. — Duce. " Their guide," 
the Ligurian. 

3. Prospectus nisusque per saxa. " The view before them, and 
their clambering over the rocks." — Pondcris gratia. "For the 
sake of lightness." Literally, " on account of their weight," which 
was much less than that of the ordinary shield. — Et offensa quo 
lexius strcperent. " And that, when struck against any thing, they 
might make the less noise." Might less loudly resound. 

4. Vetustate. " Through age." — Laqueis vinciebat. " Bound 
with cords," i. e. fixed cords about. — Quibus adlevati. "Be- 
ing aided by which." — Levare manu. " He assisted with his 
hand." 

19* 



198 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Q A 5. Dubia nisu. " Dangerous to be attempted." Nisu is the 

old dative. — Potissumus tentarc. " He tried first of all." — Digre- 

diens. " Stepping aside." 

6. Testudine acta succedere. " Having formed a testudo, ad- 
vanced to the walls." The soldiers formed a testudo by joining 
their shields over their heads and on their sides, so as to resemble 
the shell of a tortoise (testudo). This was done as a defence against 
the missiles of the enemy. 

7. Jugurthae servxtium. Equivalent to scrvitutem apud J 
tham. 

8. Fugere. Supply intra muros. 

(J5 1. Sauciare. They merely wounded their opponents, and then 
hastened on to take the fortress. — Pracda. The nominative. — 
Ex culpa. " From a fault," i. e. from his very imprudence. 

2. L. Sulla. Consult Historical Index. — Quos. Referr 
equites which is implied in cquitatu. Some editions have quod, 
"because," qualifying relictus crat. — Res admonuit. " My sub- 
ject has led me to make mention." — Dc naiura cultuque ejus. 

his disposition and habits." 

3. I. An historian, of the Cornelian family. Con- 
sult Historical Index. — Parum libera ore. M With but little I 
dom," i. e. with not sufficient political freedom. 

4. Gcntis patnemc. He belonged to the Cornelian house or 
line. — Exsttnrtd. " Sunk ui complete obscuri; 

the degeneracy." 

5. Otio luxurioso. " Of debauched habits, in the intervals of 
leisure." He kept company, according to Plutarch, with mii.. 
jesters, &c, and went with them to even* excess of licentious 
and riot : and, though at other times a man of business, he would 
change instantly whenever he had company, and begin a carousal. 

6. Nisi quod, &c. " Except that he might have had more re- 
gard for his own character in matrimonial affairs." Sylla, according 
to Plutarch, was five times married ; but, during all these mv. 
still indulged in libidmous attachments. On dedicating the U 

of his substance to Hercules, he gave a magnificent entertain:. 
to the people. In the midst of this feasting, which lasted many 
days, his fourth wife, Metella, sickened and died. As the pin 
forbade him to approach her, and to have his house defiled with 
mourning, (an artifice, probably, of his own,) he sent her a bill of 
divorce, and ordered her to be carried to another house while the 
breath was still in her body. A few months afterwards, he espoused 
Valeria, the sister of Hortensius the orator, who had managed to 
attract his attention in the theatre, by her personal beauty and artful 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 199 

Page 
behaviour. Yet, according to Plutarch, though she was a female of (Jg 
great accomplishments and respectability, he still continued his 
intercourse with actresses and female musicians, and sat drinking 
whole days with a company of buffoons. A loathsome disease soon 
after put a period to his existence. 

7. Amicitiafacilis. " Accommodating in his friendships." Ever 
ready to oblige his friends. — Ad simulanda negotia, &c. " The 
depth of his soul was incredible, for concealing from others his 
secret plans." 

8. Ante civilem victoriam. " Previous to his success in the civil 
wars." Alluding to the contest between himself and Marius. He 
assumed the title of Felix, after his success had been consummated 
by the overthrow of the younger Marius. Consult Historical 
Index. — Industi < aim. ft His merit." The reference is to the active 
exercise of talent. — Postea quae fecerit. Alluding to his excesses in 
the civil contest. 

9. Sollcrtissumus omnium. " The most accomplished soldier of 
all." — In paucis tempcstatibus, for parvo tempore. 

10. Acs mutuum. " Borrowed money." — PH. Put for sibi. 
When no ambiguity is to be apprehended, is and Hit are sometimes 
put for sui. Thus, Cats. B. G. 1,5 : — " Persuadcnt Rauracis, uti, 
eodem usi consilio, una cum us projiciscantur." Here Us is put for 
sc. So Quintilian : — " Non petit, ut ilium miserum putetis" where 
ilium miserum is for sc miserum. (Crombie, Gymn. vol. 2, p. 85.) 

11. Mult us axles sc. The adjective for the adverb. (Zumpt. L. 
G. p. 235. 3d ed.) — Manu. " In action." — Quis rebus. Tot qui- 
bus rebus. 

1. MuL'/nnn pecutiiam. " A large portion of his treasure." QQ 

2. Dubium belli, &c. u That he, undecided what course to pur- 
sue, was weighing the arguments for war and peace." — Ipsique 
Mauro. Bocchus. — Intcgris suis jinibus. " Without any loss of 
territory." His dominions being restored to him. 

3. Vix (Irrima, &lc. Die is here the old genitive. Aulus Gellius 
(9. 14) makes mention of this very passage of Sallust, and con- 
siders die a genitive not an ablative. It would appear from his re- 
marks, that some of his contemporaries made die equivalent to ex dit. 

4. Nullo. The old dative. The early writers, whom Sallust 
here imitates, sometimes declined such adjectives as nullus, solus, 
&c, regularly. (Rudd. L. G. vol. 1, p. 53. ed. Stalb.) 

5. Sarcinas colligere. All the baggage was collected into one 
place before an engagement. 

6. Quivit. The verb queo is weaker in meaning than possum, 
and expresses mere possibility under existing circumstances. Thus 



200 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

gg we cannot say, quire vlurimum, nor quoad queo, but posse plurimum, 
and quoad possum. So again, " Non quco rcliqua scribere, tanta 
ins lacrymarum est." " I cannot well," &c. Here possum would 
have been too strong. 

7. Non ac'ie. " Not in regular array." Equivalent to non tur- 
jnis in acicm ordinatis. — Concurrunt. Stronger than incurrunt, 
the reading of some editions. 

8. Latrocimo. " An affair with banditti." — Equites, pedites. 
Alluding to the Romans and Numidians. 

9. Contra advorsos. " Against those in front," i. e. those facing 
them. 

10. Norique, ct ob ea, &c. M And the new levies along with 
them, rendered even in this way more familiar with warfare." If 
the text be correct, Sallust means to convey the idea, that the new 
levies, being accustomed to be united with the veterans, (chap. 87,) 
had learned the art of war by practice and example, and displayed their 
military experience to ally on the present occasion, being 
encouraged by the presence and support of the older troops. Hence, 
ob ca will refer to their having been in the habit of being united 
with the veterans on previous occasions, and their being again so 
united in the present instance. It is extremely doubtful, however, 
whether Sallust wrote what we have given in the text, and what all 
the editions follow. Cortius retains the common reading, but sug- 
gests the Mowing, partly from a manuscript lection, and partly 
from conjecture : — Dcmque Romam rctcrcs, belli scientes, si 
ftttf, &c. 

Q'J 1. Cum tunna sua. This troop of cavalry answered the purpose 
of a bodv-guard, or cohort praetoria. — Manu consulere milUibus. 
" He aided his soldiers by taking a personal share in the fight '* — 
Impcrarc. M To give any orders," i. e. to discharge the duties of a 
commander. 

2. Noctem pro sc rati. il Having imagined that the night would 
be in their favour." — Ex copia rerum consilium trahit. M Forms a 
plan adapted to the nature of the emerge n 

3. Pauco munimcnto, Cvc. The singular of patuus is of rare 
occurrence. "We meet with it in Horact MS,) " for amine 
pauco" and in Aulus Gellius, (*^0. l t ) *• i>:junas pauco acre dilu 
Cortius reads, paiua munimcnto quacrcbat. 

4. Agitarc. i4 To patrol." Better than agitarc noctem, " to pass 
the night," as some render it. Nmtem is " during the ni_ 

6. Pleno gradu. Accordn the ordinary step 

was at the rate of twenty miles in five hours, the quickstep, (plcnus 
gradus,) twenty-four miles in the same time. 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 201 

Page. 

6. Effusi. " Without any regular order." Equivalent to nullo Q*J 
scrvato ardine. 

7. Ipsi duces. Jugurtha and Bocchus. — Feroces. " Highly elated." 

8. Uti per vigilias solebant. It was customary at the end of each 
watch to sound the trumpets, in order to call out those who were to 
stand guard in turn. 

9. Ita. " To such a degree." — Strepitu, clamor e. " By reason 
of the uproar, the shouting." 

1. In hiberna. Supply proficiscitur . A similar ellipsis occurs in 
Livv, (41, 3,) " Turn dcmum nuncius ad tcrtiam legwnem revo- gg 
candamet Gallorum pracwdium." Understand missus est. So also 
Florus, (3, 10.) " Rcversus igitur in Galliam classe majore, auc- 
tisque admodum copiis, in eumdem versus occanum." Understand it 

2. Quad rata agnane. The agmen quadralum of the Romans 
was a right-angled parallelogram, not a square. Qwidrato agmine 
may therefore be rendered, M with his army in column." Compare 
the words of Salmasius, (de Re Mil. Ram. c. 10, p. 103, edit. 
Lvdg. 1657,) " Quadratum agmen nan dicitur, cujus latitudo 
acqualis sit in omncs adspectus longitudini ; scd quod frontem habet 
recta linea cxaequatam et ad eitremitates angulos rcctos. r So also 

hard. (Mcmoircs crit. et histor. sur Us antiquites militaxres t 
vol. 1, p. 195,) M La figure ressembloit a une parallelogrammc 
quelconque a angles droits." 

3. Apud dextumos. " On the extreme right." — Practerea cohortes 
Ligurum curabat. " Had charge also of the cohorts of the Ligu- 
riant". — Manlms is the nominative to curabat. The meaning is, that 
Manilas, besides the slingers and archers, commanded also the 
Ligurians. — Primos et extremos. " In the front and rear." 

A. Minume cari. M Whose lives were least valued." — Quasi 
nullo imposito. u Ai if no one were placed over them by him," 
i. e. as if no share of the command were committed to any other. — 
Merentu, M Those who were deserving of either," i. e. as each 
deserved commendation or blame. 

5. Ncquc secus, &c. " Nor was he less careful in fortifying his 
camp, than he had been in prosecuting his march." — Excubitum. 
" To keep watch there." 

6. Non dtffidcns ca futura, &c. " Not so much from any dis- 
trust, on his part, that the orders he had given would not be obeyed, 
as," &e. We have here followed the Bipont reading. Cortius gives, 
non diffidcntiafuturi quae, &c, and completes the sentence thus, non 
diffidentia futuri ejus omnis quae, &c, making quae plural, on 
account of the plural import of omnis. Few will approve of such 
an explanation. 



NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

68 **' Uti militibus, &c. m That their toils, being shared by their 
commander, might be cheerfully endured by the soldiers at large. " 
We have here another instance of the Greek construction, ex- 
plained in note 3, page 55. 

8. Malo. " By punishment." — Per ambitionem. "From a de- 
sire for popularity.'" — A pucritia consvetam duritiam. " Hardships 
become familiar from boyhood." 

9. Nisi tamen, &c. " And yet, however, the affairs of the state 
were managed with as much success and dignity, as if his authority 
had been exercised in the most rigorous manner." Ntsi tamen is 
here equivalent to scd tamen, and the meaning intended to be con- 
veyed, is : " But, whether he acted from ambitious motives, or from 
being himself accustomed to hardships, still one thing is certain, that 
the affairs of the state were managed," &c. Compare chapu 

u Xisi tamen intclliisoV 

10. I mg at full speed " — Dirorsi. u From dif- 
ferent quarters." — Adrorsum omnia paratus. His troops being 
arranged in the agmen quadratum. 

11. / loptcd the conjectural emendation of 
Gronovius, in place of aeque as given by Cortrus. The meaning 
of the whole clause will I • ; supposed, that, out of the whole 
number, soma certainly, no matter who, would come in the rear of 
tht (Compare Quarterly Journal of Edmatwn, No. 3, 
p. 151.) I i rs aeque to ab tergo, and translates it, " g erode 
von hint' v in the rear." The Bipont editor explains 
aeque as follov uadruplici agmine eerte unum, quodcunque 
esset.'' This explanation suits, however, utique much better than 
aeque. 

12. Quern primum adtigerant. 4 * With whom they first came in 
contact ." — Cdetcn. Referring to the rest of the cavalry under his 
command. 

(J9 * Bocchus cum peditilus inradunt. The verb is put 

in the plural, as if Bocchus cum pe*l a double nominative. 

"We sometimes find," observes Scheller, " a plural verb after a 
single subject or person, which, however, is united to another subject 
by cum, since they are there regarded as two subjects or nomina- 
tives." (L. G. vol. 1, p. 334.) Compare Catiline, (chap. 43.) 
Lcntulus cum ceteris const ituer ant. 

2. Apud primos. u In the front," i. e. apud cos quo* pnmos 
coHocarerat. — Xumida . Jugurtha. 

3. Ad pcditcs. It is a matter of some doubt among commen- 
tators, whether the infantry here meant are the Roman, or those 
which Voluxhad brought and with which Bocchus had attacked tho 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 203 

Pa^e. 
Roman rear. It is more than probable that the former are alluded AQ 
to, especially as the words ibi Latine follow. Cortius, however, 
is in favour of the opposite opinion. 

4. Satis impigre. " With great quickness," i. e. with so much 
celerity as to have escaped the observation of the Romans around. 
Some, however, render it " with great bravery." This is certainly 
inferior. 

5. Atrocitate rei. " With the dreadful nature of the thing." 
The meaning intended to be conveyed is this : The Romans were 
thrown into alarm, not so much from any confidence which they 
placed in the words of Jugurtha, as from the reflection, that there 
was indeed a possibility of their favourite commander's losing his 
life in the action. 

6. Adeptam. Used passively, adipiscor being a common, not a 
deponent, verb. — Yitabundus. "After making the most vigorous 
exertions to escape." Or, it may be rendered generally, "by a 
desperate effort." Consult note 10, page 61. 

7. Scqui, <Scc. A beautiful specimen of the figure Asyndeton, 
in imitation, very probably, of the celebrated passage in Xenophon, 
{Ag€S. 2, 12,) praised by Longinus, $ 19. HvpftaXdirtf ras ac-rr'idas, 
iioOovvro, Ifia^n^TO, dfrtKTCtvov^ die0vT)<JKOv. 

8. Xtti modo. Supply surisere. u They merely made an effort 
to rise." — Qua visus cr> far as the eye could reach." 
Vitus is a noun of the fourth declension, and the clause, rendered 
literally, is, M where there was a vie m 

9. Posrca loci. For the simple postea. 

10. Post diem qutntum, quam, &c. "On the fifth day after the 
barbarians had met with their second defeat." The Latin language 
admits several variations of this construction. Thus we may either 
adopt the form used in the text, or quinto die postquam pufrnaverant, 
or quinque diehus postquam pusrnaverant, or post dies quintos quam 
puirnaverant ; or with the ablative alone, omitting post, die quinto 
quam purrmiverant. The anomalous appearance of post diem 
quintum quam, &c, and some other of the phrases just quoted, 
arose, according to Zumpt, from a transposing of the preposition. 
Having once written post die quinto quam, they would be easily 
led to change die quinto into diem quintum, as if it had been 
governed by post. 

11. Cum is. An archaism for cum tis. — Acciti. " Having been 
invited," i. e. on an invitation from the king. 

1. Cujus facundiatj <fcc. Manlius gave precedence to Sylla, ^Q 
although he was younger than himself, on account of his superior 
ability in speaking. 



204 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

70 2. Talem virum. Artful flattery. So, a liule farther on, optumum 
cum pcssumo. 

3. Persequi. A Hellenism, for pcrscqucndi. Compare Schcllcr, 
L. G. vol. 2, p. 202. Vechneri Hcllenolci, p. 265. 

4. Prinajno. Cortius reads jam inopi visum, omitting a prin- 
cipio nspmUiesm. The remark of the Bipont editor on this emenda- 
tion is perfectly conclusive : " Scd vwpum non forct, quatrtrt 
servos popul os . v facile, arnicas inrcntrc, nedum quod ca 
Sulla paj~um > 

5. Gratia par, &c. M While you will enjoy the same hij 
mation with us, as if we were your immediate neighbours." Equi- 
valent to is it gratiac loco apud nos cris. 

6. / 9 I'jects." 

7. i'!acuit, cVc. Wi ■ n the read 

the Bi}>ont edition, which is based in part upon that of the Aldine. 

rtms has p/acuisscy and makes the infinitive depend on sc 
(i. e. scire licet). 

8. O ture scrvi< ■ 

9. Pro delicto. " In extenuation of his miscondur I 

10. / The monarch 
here utters an intentional falsehood, in asserting that he had dr 
Jugurtha from tics {.art ot" Numidia - bold 
assertion would seem to have been, to ingratiate himself with the 

nans, and to show hit pretended ). vards Jugurtha. 

iking the clause 
jure belli suum foctsm r» •! ll -iius. 

11. i n an opj>ortunitv of sending them was 

1%, In ,'<••</ m Is. "Into a desert counts" — Pc Uizas omnis. 
On whom he could rely with the grafted M -nanny. Compare note 
i, 

71 1 Vencrant. In the sense of rvencrant, which some editions 

— Si mm " From the whole nun. 

\\v gives them full power to 
Eft, and bring the war to a close in any ma: 
on anv feoi 

\temal marks ^ 
Without any badges of their official rank as plenipotentiaries. — 
praetore. " As acting commander-in-ch. 

4 Vanis hosttbvs "Fait — Adcurate ax Ubcr sit- 

ter. M In a respectful and generous man- 

5. L to corrupt 

paritcr volens. Equivalent to nisi benevolo stmui smimo. — In fte- 



JUGURTHIXE WAR. 205 

Page. 
nignitate habebantur. " Were regarded as the result of a generous 'J'l 
impul- 

6. Benevolentiae. "Calculated to conciliate his good will." 
Consult note 5, page 60. 

7. Hi infect o, &c. " The enterprise having proved unsuccessful 
in the quarter whither he had directed his course." Ibi refers to 
the region where the turris regia was situated. Cortius reads 
infeeto, quo iritenderat, ncgotio, and makes it equivalent to infecto 
negotio, quo confecto rcdire intenderat. This is altogether inferior 
to the lection which we have adopted. 

8. Cognoscxt. " He takes into consideration." 

9. Ea. Referring to both potestas eundi&nd induciae. — Ferocins 
decernunt. u I >• < »le m favour of a harsher course." — Mutant. 

< rstand scse. Advcrsa is here equivalent 
to contraria ; 4t the opposr 

10. Studium Sullar. " The zeal of Sylla in their behalf." 

11. Dt-precati sunt. Understand em\/Utntt§ or duentes, and 
r the whole clause, M after they had deprecated the resentment 

of the Romans, by confessing that their monarch," &c. 

1. Cujus arbitratu. u In order that by his intervention," i. e. *yr> 

2. Item. Wt have Mm lied this on the authority of one of the 
mam Funditorum Balcanum. The Romans obtained their 

Achaia, and from the Ball Majorca and 

inhabitants of .« markable for 

D the use of the sling, having been trained to this 
ieir boyhood. 

Supply ]>',,f, .//i eo, or else the simple 

::om 
a. The Peiigni were a people of Italv, 
•.bine desi . territory lay to the 

east of that of the Marsi. Consult Historical Index. 

4. < anbus arm arms of the velitcs, or light- 
armed tro as and slings, seven javelins with 
slender points like arrows, so that, when thrown, they bent and 
could not easily be returned by the enemy ; a Spanish sword, for 
both cut and thrust ; a round buckler, about three feet in diameter, 
made of wood and covered with leather, and a light helmet for the 
head. 

5. Ea. Referring to tela. — Muniti. Agreeing in gender with 
the persons implied in cohors. 

6. Tenure et effuse. " In a disorderly and scattered manner." — 
Sullae alusquc, &c. What grammarians call a zeugma takes place 

20 



206 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

*VO here in efficiebant, that is, the verb has two meanings, to suit 
Our idiom, one for each clause. " Caused the number to appear 
greater than the reality to Sylla and the rest of his party, and gave 
rise to apprehensions as of the approach of an enemy." 

7. Expedire. " Got ready for battle." We may understand ad 
pugnam, which is expressed in Livy, (38, 21,) " Quos ubi Romani 
viderunt, expediunt sese ad pugnam. 11 

8. Tentare. " They tried." — Intendere. This is commonly 
rendered, " they bent their bows," with an ellipsis of arcus. Such 
an interpretation, however, is decidedly pleonastic, since arma atque 
tela tentare precedes. The true meaning is, " directed his whole 
attention to the approaching engagement." Understand animum. 

9. Rem, uti erat, &c. " Bring back word, as was actually the 
case, that all was peaceful," i. e. that there was nothing to fear. 

10. Obviam Mis simul, et praesidio. " Both to receive them, 
and to act as an escort." Literally, " both to meet them, and for a 
guard." 

11. Incerto voltu. " With a troubled look." 

12. Animo feroci. " With stern resolution." — Cert a pestis. 
" Certain destruction." — Ab eodem. Referring to Volux. 

13. Coenatos esse. " To have their evening repast over." Some 
neuter verbs have participles which are passive in form, but active 
in meaning; as cocnatus, " one who has supped ;" pransus, "one 
who has dined ;" juratus, " one who has sworn," &c. The Roman 
soldiers took food twice a day, at dinner and at supper. The former 
was a slight meal, which they commonly took standing. They 
indulged themselves a little more at supper. 

14. Prima vigilia. The Romans, as has been observed in a 
previous note, divided the night into four watches of three hours 
each. The first watch commenced at sunset. 

Y3 *• Ante. " In advance of them." 

2. Manu vindicandum. " That immediate vengeance ought to 
be taken." That he ought to be punished in a summary manner. 

3. Prohibet. " Protects." — Advorsum multitudinem. "Against 
a host." — Quantosibi, &c. Compare Catiline, (chap. 58,) M Semper 
in praelio" &c. 

4. Nudum et caecum corpus. " That part of the body which has 
no shield to protect it. and no eyes by which danger may be 
avoided ;" i. e. a defenceless and blind back. Compare Xenophon, 
(Cyrop. 3, 3,) Mwpdr yap to, KparcTv 0ov\o[iivovs, rat rv<p\a rov eioftarxs, 
K<xl ao7rXa, /cal a^eipa, ravra ivavria rarrtiv roi$ iroXefiioig <ptvyovrai. 

5. Quoniam hostilia faceret. " Since he was acting the part of an 
enemy." 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 207 

Page. 

6. Ceterum, &c. il Besides, since he (Jugurtha) had not a large ^3 
force with him, and his hopes and resources depended upon his 
(Volux's) father, that he (Jugurtha) would not dare to do any thing 
openly, while he himself, (Volux,) the son, was present as a witness 

of his conduct." 

7. Per media ejus castra. Cortius thinks the meaning would be 
improved if media were omitted, and prae rendered by praeter. We 
cannot agree with him. Volux had stated, that Jugurtha would not 
dare to do any thing openly if he were present : in confirmation of 
this, he proposes that they march boldly through his very encamp- 
ment. Jugurtha probably had encamped his forces in two divisions, 
or else in scattered order. 

8. Acciderant. Some editions have accesserant. Cortius, how- 
ever, successfully defends the lection we have given in the text, and 
makes it signify " they had come ;" for accido frequently has this 
meaning when any person or thing chances to arrive unexpectedly. 
Compare Livy, (32, 30,) " Civitati fama inccrta accidit ;" and 
Quintus Curtius, (4, 4, 6,) " Alexander classem litori, e quo fremitus 
acciderat, admovit." So also Tacitus, (Hist. 4, 29, 4,) Unde 
clamor acciderat ;" and our own author, chapter 88 of this narrative, 
"quo improvisus gravior accideret." 

9. Orator. M As his ambassador," or " agent." Compare 
Livy, (30, 16,) "Jam nullo auctore belli ultra audito, oratores ad 
pacem petendam mittunt.'' 1 Observe also the change of construc- 
tion in our author, "praemissus orator, et (praemissus) specu- 
latum." 

10. Quern Bocchus, &c. Cortius inserts Romanis after fidum ; 
but Bocchus had not been long acquainted with the Romans, and, 
therefore, fidum Romanis seems too harsh. Fidum here means 
simply, "worthy of reliance." 

11. Consulta sese omnia, &c. "That he was keeping every 
subject of consultation undetermined, until he could consider it 
in conjunction with him," i. e. that he had reserved every thing for 
their common consideration. 

1. Neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, &c. " The true read- 74 
ing here is extremely doubtful. Some have accitum esse quo res t 
&c. Others cautum esse. Cortius places a semicolon after perti- 
mesceret, and makes quo res communis, &c, follow immediately 
after, without either accitum esse or cautum esse. As accitum esse 
is wanting in most of the manuscripts, we have adopted the conjec- 
ture of Gronovius, by which quo is changed into quin, and the 
meaning of the passage then becomes, " Nor should he be disquieted 
at the presence of Jugurtha's ambassador, lest, in consequence of 



208 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

74 this, their common business might be carried on with less freedom 
than otherwise." 

2. Nam ab insidiis ejus, &c. Bocchus means, that he has been 
compelled to allow Jugurtha to have an ambassador at his court, 
since otherwise that monarch would have been constantly annoying 
him by his intrigues ; whereas the presence of his ambassador 
would lead Jugurtha to think, that no scheme could be formed by 
Bocchus, unfriendly to his (Jugurtha's) interests, without that am- 
bassador's perceiving it, and hence the suspicions of the Numidian 
monarch would not be so constantly excited. 

3. Tunica fide. "With a treacherous intent." The Roman 
writers used the expression Punica fides to denote bad faith, in 
allusion to the frequent violation of compacts which were, charged 
against the Carthaginians by their haughty rivals. The Carthaginians 
might have returned the compliment without any great violation of 
the truth. Attica fides was a proverbial expression, on the other 
hand, to indicate good faith. Compare Velleius Paterculus, 
(2, 23, 4,) " Adco enim certa Athcmensium in Romanos fides fuit, 
ut semper, et in omni re, quidquid sinccrafide gereretur, id Ramani 
Attica fieri pracdicarent." Some writers extend this character for 
good faith to the whole nation, and make Graeca fides and Attica 
fides synonymous. This is altogether incorrect. The true expla- 
nation is given by Junius, (Adagia Yctcrum, p. 577,) " Graeca 
fides pro dubia et tana accipitur, hand pro certa : quippe quae nulla 
prorsus esset, nisi praesente pecunia oculitus creditori satisdaretur. 
Quod ex Plauto, in Asinaria, manifcs turn fit, iibi ait: Cetera 
quaeque volumus uti, Graeca mercamur fide : et ostendit hoc 
clarissime Polybius, historiae lib. 6, his verbis : vapa piv roTs 
''EXX^civ lap Tokavrov fiovov TricrrevQuioiv, dvriypa<peTs t^ovrti <Jc*a 4 kcu 
ecppayidas Tocavras^ /cat paprvpas Snr^aaiovs, ov cvvavrai rrjpciv Hm 

TTlffTlV. 

4. Adtinuisse. * Kept amused." 

5. Lubidnnem. "Inclination." 

6. Quae rcsponderentur. " What answer should be given," 
i. e. what answer Bocchus must give him in the presence of Ju- 
gurtha's envoy. 

7. In sua castra. The reference here is to Sylla and Bocchus, 
not to Sylla and Aspar as Cortius maintains. " Sulla,''' observes 
Burnouf, " quamvis paucos milites habcret, eos videlicet alicubi 
habere neccsse fuit. Ubi autcm si ?ion in castris ? Et Bocchus, 
quum helium gereret, cur non et ipse castra in proprio regno ha-. 
buisset ?" In addition to this it may be observed, that Aspar on 
the very next day was still at the court of Bocchus, which could not 



JUGTTRTHINE' WAR. 209 

Page 
possibly have been the case if he had set out the day previous for *?A 
the camp of Jugurtha, since it took many days subsequently for him 
to go and come: " proper ato itinere, post diem octavum redit ad 
Bocchum," (ch. 112.) 

8. Internuncius. "As a mutual adviser." — Sanctus vir, &c. 
"A man of strict integrity, and acceptable to both parties." The 
common text has ex sententia jurat ambobus. " And who swears as 
was agreed upon by both parties, to make faithful representations to 
each." This, however, is deservedly rejected by Cortius and others. 

9. Fuerit mihi pretium, &c. " Let it have been my good lot to 
have stood in need, at length, of your friendship." Fuerit mihi 
pretium is here equivalent to, res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi. 

10. Id adeo, &c. " Of the truth of this indeed you may make 
full trial." 

11. Integra. "In full force," i. e. undiminished in value. — - 
Me sciente. " Provided I be made acquainted with the object of 
your wishes." 

12. Cujus curator. " As the agent of which," i. e. for the pur- 
pose of attending to the interests of which. 

13. Tutus sum. For tuitus sum. Consult note 8, page 49. 

1. Egrediar. In the sense of transgrediar. Some verbs, com- 7 5 
pounded of prepositions that govern an ablative, take an accusative. 
Thus, besides the example in the text, we have in Livy, egredi urbem, 
and, in other writers, excedere urbem, &c. (Zumpt. L. G. p. 256.) 

2. Quod polliceatur. " With regard to the offer just made." 
Sulla here refers to the offer of Bocchus, stated in the preceding 
chapter, " Arma,viros, .... sume } utere ; and again, " Egoflumen 
Mulucham non egrediar, neque" &c. 

3. Id adeo, &c. " That this, indeed, was an easy matter, since 
he had Jugurtha in his power." 

4. Negitare. " Gave a decided negative." 

5. Fluxafide usus. " If he acted with bad faith towards Jugur- 
tha." — Avorteret. " He might alienate." 

6. Lenitur. "He is softened down." Some editions have 
leniter, the adverbial form, " with a softened air." 

7. Ad simulandam pacem. " For keeping up the appearance of 
a negotiation for peace." — Numida. Jugurtha. 

8. Posse poni. " Could be brought to a close." — Cuncta edoctus. 
9* Having received full instructions." 

9. Conventam. "After having been agreed upon." — Frustra 
fuisse. " Had proved of no effect," i. e. had never been ratified by 
the government at home. 

10. Ceterum si ambobus t &c. " That, however, if he wished to 

20* 



210 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

^5 consult for their common interests, and to have a firm peace," 
&c. 

11. Non sua ignavia. " Not through any ill conduct on his part." 
— Rempublicam. " His attention to the public business." — Relictum 
iri. Supply ibi. 

12. Dolo an vere. " Treacherously or sincerely." 

7*6 !• Ipsae sibi advorsae. " They clash with one another." Are 
inconsistent with one another. 

2. Constitute. "We have thrown out, after this, the words in 
colloquium uti de pace veniretur, as a mere repetition from the pre- 
vious chapter, and savouring of a gloss. 

3. Benigne habere. " He treated them kindly." 

■ 4. Adhibitis amicis. " Having called in his friends," i. e. to 
aid him with their advice. — Remotis. " Having dismissed them." 

5. Voltu corporis, &c. " The movements of his body varying 
with the purposes of his souL" Voltus is here used as a general 
term for the gestures of the body, including also the expression oi 
the countenance, in short, any thing indicative of the will (vultus a 
volo). Compare chapter 34, tcrrebat eum clamor e, vultu, &c, where 
the same usage occurs. 

6. Patefecisse. Governed by dicitur understood. Some read 
quae scilicet, tacente ipso, occulta pectoris patefecisse, making this 
last word depend for its government on scilicet, i. e. scire licet. 

7. Quaestore nostro. Sylla. — Tumulum. " A rising ground." 
— Insidiantibus. " By those lying in wait." 

8. Ut dictum. " As had been agreed upon." 

9. Ad Marium deductus. Plutarch, in his life of Sylla, states, 
that, although the capture of Jugurtha procured Marius a triumph, 
yet envy ascribed the whole glory of it to Sylla. This Marius in his 
heart not a little resented, adds the biographer, especially when he 
found that Sylla, who was naturally fond of fame, and from a low 
and obscure condition now rose to general esteem, suffered his am- 
bition to carry him so far as to order a signet to be engraved with a 
representation of the capture of Jugurtha. This he constantly used 
in sealing his letters. The device was, Bocchus delivering up 
Jugurtha, and Sylla receiving him. 

10. Gallos. More correctly Germanos, for they were the Cim- 
bri, Teutones, and Tigurini. Compare Florus, (3, 3,) " Cimbri, 
Theutoni atque Tigurini, ab extremis Galliae profugi, quum terras 
eorum inundasset Oceanus, novas sedes toto orbe quaerebant ; exclu- 
sique Gallia et Hispania, quum in Italiam remigrarent miser e lega- 
tor in castra Silani, inde ad Senatum," &c. ; and again, " Sed nee 
primum quidem knpetum barbarorum SUanus, nee secundum Man- 



JUGURTHINE WAR. 211 

Pa,ge. 
lius, nee tertium Caepio sustinere potuerunt. Omnes fugati, exuti *7Q 
castris. Actum erat, nisi Marius iUi seculo contigisset." 

11. Blique, &c. " Both the Romans of that day, and thence 
downward even to our own time." 

12. Cum Gallis, &c. Compare Cicero, {Off. 1, 12,) " Cum 
Cimbris, ut cum inimicis, gerebatur; uter esset 1 non uter imperaret ?" 

13. Jugurtham vinctum, &c. It may not be improper to add a 
few words relative to the fate of Jugortha. " It is said," observes 
Plutarch, " that when he was led before the car of the conqueror, 
he lost his senses. After the triumph, he was thrown into prison, 
where, while they were in haste to strip him, some tore his robe off 
his back, and others, catching eagerly at his pendants, pulled off 
the tips of his ears along with them. When he was thrust down 
naked into the dungeon, all confused, he said with a frantic smile, 
" Heavens ! how cold is this bath of yours !" There, having strug- 
gled, for six days, with extreme hunger, and to the last hour labour- 
ing for the preservation of life, he came to such an end as his crimes 
deserved. There were carried (we are told) in his triumph, three 
thousand and seven pounds of gold, five thousand, seven hundred 
and seventy-five of silver bullion, and of silver coin, seventeen thou- 
sand and twenty-eight drachmas." 

14. Absens. " Though absent." This was a violation of the law, 
since no person, strictly speaking, was allowed to stand candidate 
for the consulship, unless present at the time in Rome. The con- 
dition, however, was often violated. 

15. Kalendis Januariis. The first of January, the day when 
the new consuls were inducted into office. Consult note 12, 
page 98. After the solemnity of the triumph was finished, Marius, 
as Plutarch informs us, assembled the senate in the capitol, where, 
either through inadvertence, or gross insolence, he entered in his 
triumphal robes ; but soon perceiving that the senate was offended, 
he went and put on his ordinary habit, and then returned to his 
place. 

I 16. Ea tempestate. Emphatical. His subsequent career was 
ruinous to the state. 



END OF THE NOTES TO THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 



NOTES 



TO 



THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 



V\%\V^^\WVWV\V\^ 



NOTES 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 

1. Omnis. For omnes. The old form. (Jugurtha, note 9, ^0 
page 1,). — Sese student praestare. The insertion of the pronoun 
here is not a pleonasm, as some maintain, but in reality the older 
and fuller form of expression, and may be regarded as equivalent to 

ut ipsi praestent. Instances occur in other writers also. Thus, 
Cicero, {Off. 2. 20.) " Gratum se videri studet." So also after 
cupere, velle, and malle. 

2. Silentio. " In obscurity." The silence which the rest of man- 
kind preserve respecting us, when we have done nothing to render 
our names illustrious. 

3. Prona. " Stooping downward to the earth." Compare Ovid, 
(Met. 1, 84,) " Pronaque quum spectent animalia caetera terrain." 

4. Animi impcrio, &c. " We use more the empire of the mind, the 
obedience of the body." Sallust wishes to convey the idea, that it 
is the province of the mind to command, of the body to obey. Some 
very erroneously make impcrio depend for its government on the 
comparative magis. " We make more use of the empire of the 
mind, than of the obedience of the body." 

5. Quo. " On which account." — Rectius. " More consistent 
with reason." — Opibus. " By the resources." 

6. Mcmoriam nostri. " The remembrance of ourselves." Me- 
moriam nostram would mean " our faculty of memory." 

7. Habetur. The force of this verb, in the present passage, is 
best seen by a paraphrase : " The endowments of mind form the 
only illustrious and lasting possession." 

8. Sed. Elegantly used in the sense of continuation, like 6c 
in Greek, and to be rendered " Now." — Vine corporis, &c. 
44 Whether a warlike enterprise depended more for its success on 
strength of body, or energy of mind." Literally, 44 whether a war- 
like operation proceeded more from strength of body," &c. 

9. Consulto. " Of deliberation."— Mature facto. " Of speedy 
execution," i. e. in proper season. The participles consulto and 

215 



216 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

79 fa t0 are ^ ere c l e g ar itly used in place of nouns. The literal trans- 
lation would be, " of a thing's being deliberated upon," and " of its 
being performed in proper season." 

10. Imperii. " Of authority." — Diversi. "Differing in their views." 
— Agitabatur. The frequentative for the simple verb, as in Jugurtha. 

11. Cyrus. The elder of the name. 

12. Lubidinem dominandi. u A lust of dominion." — Maxumam 
gloriam. Understand sitam esse, or something equivalent. 

13. Periculo aiquc negotiis. " From actual experience, and 
from affairs themselves," i. e. from the experience which affairs 
themselves bestowed. 

g0 1. Quod si regum, &c. " But if the mental qualities of kings 
and of those who command were exercised to the same degree in 
peace that they are in war." — Aequabilius atque constantius, &c. 
" Human affairs would proceed with more regularity and steadi- 
ness." This usage of the verb habeo with the pronoun is analo- 
gous to the Greek idiom : ev e%ti "he is well," i. e. ri «^« (iavrdv) 
"he has himself well." (Compare Vigcr's Greek Idioms, p. 84. 
Scager's transl.) 

2. Aliud alio, &c. Alius, as has already been remarked in the 
Notes to the Jugurthin* fre q uently l,src * ^y Sallust, and 
also by the best writers, with one of its own cases, or an adverb 
derived from it, to denote what in English requires two separate 
expressions. Thus we may render the passage in the text, u neither 
would you behold one thing carried in one direction, another in 
another, " c\c — Artibus. "Means." 

3. Pro labor*. M In the stead of active exertion." Labor has 
here a special reference to military operations. — Pro continentia ct 
aequitate, &c. u In the stead of moderation and a regard for natu- 
ral equality, cupidity, and a tyrannical spirit," &c. As Sallust here 
contrasts virtues and vices, continentia will be opposed to lubido, 
and aequitas to superlna ; which removes, we conceive, all diffi- 
culty as to the meaning of the individual terms. Burnouf makes 
lubido in this passage signify "caprice," an opinion in which we 
cannot concur. — Fort una. Understand principum. 

4. Optumu-m quemque. "The most deserving." Literally, 
" each most deserving person." — Arant. eVc. Equivalent to arando, 
narigando, aedificando ejficiunt : hence quae homi?ies arant. h 
may be rendered by nouns, "agriculture, navigation, architect". 

— Virtu ti omni parent. " Depend all upon the energies of mind for 
their successful employment." 

5. Peregrinantes. A beautiful expression, bv which the sen- 
sualist and the sluggard are compared to M travellers in a foreign 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 217 

. ^ Pa « € - 

land." Cortius, cites in explanation, a passage from Zeno of Ve- QA 

rona, (Serm. 32,) " Scd qui sunt praetereuntes, nisi qui per egrinan- 
tcs corporalis vitae saeculum transeunt." 

6. Quibus, profecto, &c. " Unto whom, certainly in opposition 
to the views of nature," &c. — Juxta. " Alike," i. e. as equally 
unimportant. — Quoniam de utraque siletur. rt Since silence is pre- 
served respecting each," i. e. since they leave no memorial of their 
having ever existed. 

7. Frui anima. " To enjoy his rational nature, i. e. to answer the 
end of his existence. — Qui, aliquo negotio intentus, &c. 4 *Who, 
in whatever employment he may be engaged, seeks for the reputa- 
tion attendant on some praiseworthy deed or the exercise of some 
useful talent." 

8. In magna capia rcrum. " In the great variety of employ- 
ments/' — Aliud alii. Compare note 2. 

9. Bene diccre. Equivalent to eloquentiam exercere. Eloquence 
was one of the surest passports to office among the Romans. — Ab- 
surdum. This term was originally applied to any harsh and disa- 
greeable sound, ("Vox quae surdis auribus audin dignaest") and 
subsequently to any thing devoid of merit and unworthy of notice. 
Haud absurdum est may therefore be rendered, " is no contemptible 
acquirement." 

10. Et qui fccerCj &c. Supply coram before qui. 

11. Auctorem rcrum. ''The actor." Some editions have acto- 
rcm rcrum : both lections occur in manuscripts. Compare Velleius 
Paterculus, (2, 120, 6,) " Praeclari facinoris auctor fuit Caldus 
Coclius" &c. — Res gestas. " An historical narrative." — Dictis. 
11 By the style." Livy has an expression similar to that in the text, 
in which, however, dicta is used in its original meaning ; "facta 
dictis acquando.'* (6. 20.) 

12. Putant. The manuscripts vary, some inserting dicta be- 
fore putant, others ducta, &c. We have followed the reading of 
Cortius. The ellipsis is to be supplied by rcprchetidisse y which is 
in fact expressed in one of the manuscripts. Sallust appears to have 
borrowed the idea in the text from Thucydides, (2, 35). 

13. Ubi de magna virtutc, &c. "When you make mention of 
the distinguished merit and glory of illustrious men," &c. 

14. Supra ea. " Whatever things go beyond this," or, " all 
beyond this." 

15. Studio ad rempublicam, &c. " Was led by the ardour of 
youth to turn my attention to public affairs," i. e. to become a can- 
didate for public office. — Ibique. " And in this career." — Nam pro 
pudore, &c. Pudor is here opposed to audacia, avaritia to afaft'- 

21 



218 NOTES TO THE 

Page, 

80 nentia t and largitio to virtus. — Insolens malarum artium. " Unac- 
customed to evil practices." 

16. ReliQuoram, &c. We have followed the reading of Haver- 
camp and Burnouf. The Bipont text has reliquis and qua cetc- 
rosy by which eadem fama and invidia become ablatives. In 
our lection fama and invidia are likewise ablatives, but eadem 
is in the nominative agreeing with cvpido. The whole passage may 
be rendered as follows : — " And though I was uncontaminated by the 
evil principles of others, nevertheless the same desire of advance- 
ment disquieted me, by reason of the obloquy and odium that ac- 
companied it, which disquieted the rest," i. e. standing forth as a 
candidate for public honours, I shared the fate of others : my char- 
acter was assailed with obloquy, and an attempt was made by 
political opponents to render me an object of popular odium. — De 
Brosses thinks that Sallust here endeavours to offer a plausible excuse 
for his recent and disgraceful expulsion from the senate. 
81 1. Ex multis tn •• From the in .'.sand dan- 

gers by which it had been cncompa>^ 

2. Bonum (leisure." 

coporeal emplowiu phrase is here used in allusion to the 

expression m the first ch . coporis serritio ma- 

gis utimur" h some bring against v 

lust, of his stigmatizing agriculture and hunting as employments tit 
only for d l ous acceptation of the epi- 

thet Sfll'lllbllS. 

I 'udio. Cortius considers studio as having reference to his- 
torical labours \\Y would rather, with Dahl, extend the term to 
" liberal studies" generally, so as to embrace the literature both of 
Greece and Rome, especially the former. 

4. Carptim. 4l In detached portions." Compare Plinv, (Ep. 8, 
4, 7,) " Rcspondebis, non posse perindc carptim, ut, contcxta, per- 
mde tnchoata placc.rc, ut effecta" and Tacitus, (Hist. 4, 46, extr.) 
The term is sometimes used in the sense of hrcntcr, as in Plinv, 
(Ep. ft, 9S, B, ) M rait uutem carptim et xa- . Irrenter et 
sumnuitim.) — Some editions of Sallust have strictim, "cursor 

in place of carptim ; but this reading carries with it its own refuta- 
tion. From this passage of Sallust, it appears that the histo: 
Catiline's conspiracy was his first literary production. 

5. Partibus reipublicac. " The factions which agitated the re- 
public." Dahl is of opinion, that, from the language of the text, 
Sallust must have composed this narrative after his return from the 
government of Numidia ; since, to suppose with some commenta- 
tors that the work was written at the time of his expulsion from the 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 219 

Page 
senate (A. U. C. 703) does not harmonize with the expressions, " a Ql 
spe, metu, <Scc, animus liber erat." 

6. Pancis absolvam. u I will give a brief account." Paucis 
verbis absolvam narrationem. — Id f acinus. " That daring deed." 

7. Nobih genere natus. Catiline was the last of the gens Sergia, 
a patrician house. Consult Historical Index. 

8. Sed ingenio malo pra^oque. u But of a wicked and depraved 
spirit." The term ingenium appears to denote quicquid est ingeni- 
tum, and is applied to the native qualities of the whole soul, those 
oi the heart, as well as those of the head. ( Crombie, Gymn. vol. 
2, p. 73.) 

9. Ibique. " And in these." Ibi is here elegantly used for in 
iis rebus. — Jurentutem. By the Romans, generally speaking, 
human life was divided into four stages of fifteen years each : thus 
puentia was within 15 : adolescentia within 30 ; juventus within 
45 ; and seneetus comprised the remaining period of life. Compare 
Classical Journal, vol. 1, p. 473. Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 1, 
p. 160. 

10. Patiens. The verbal adjective, distinguished from the par- 
ticiple by its particular government ; thus, patiens inediac, " able to 
endure want of food," referring to a habit ; patiens inediam, * suf* 
fering want of lood," referring to a particular point of time. So 
also doctus linguam Lotinam, " one who has been taught the Latin 
language ;" doctus linguae Latinac, " one skilled in Latin." 

11. Vanus. u Capable of assuming any shape." Compare the 
picture drawn by Cicero, (pro Coel. 6,) 4 * Ilia vero in Mo homine 

(sc. Catilina) mirabilia fuerunt versare suam naturam, et 

regere ad temput, atque hue et illuc torquere et fleeter e : cum trisiibus 

mi senibus graviter, cum juventute 
comitcr, cum facmorosis audaatcr, cum libidinosis luxuriose 
< . Hac tile tarn varui, multijdicrnie natura, cum omnes 
omnibus ei tcrris homines improbos, audaccsque colleger at : turn 
etiam multos fortes riros et bonos specie quadam virtutis assimu~ 
latae teneba 1 

12. Simulator. The verb simulare, whence this noun is formed, 
means " to pretend to be what we are not ;" but dissimulare, " to 
dissemble, or conceal what we are." It is the character of hypocrisy 
to pretend to virtues which it has not, (simulare,) and to dissemble 
the vices which it has, (dissimulare.) 

13. Satis loqucntiac. " Possessing fluency of speech enough." 
Several editions have eloquentiae, but this would be too strong here, 
although the reading appears in a majority of the MSS. The dis- 
tinction between loquentia and eloquentia is well pointed out in the 



220 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

gj following extract from Pliny, {Ep. 6, 20.) "Julius Candidus nan 
tnvenuste solet dicere cdiud esse eloquentiam, aliud loquentiam. 
Nam eloquentia mx uni, out alteri ; haec vero quam Candidus 
loquentiam appellate multis, etiam impudcntissimo cuxque maxime 
contingit" We may compare with this the words of Gellius, (1, 
15, extr.) " Valerium Probum, grammaticum illustrcm, exfami- 
liari ejus, docto viro, comperi, Sallustiarium Mud (in Catil. c. 5.) 
Satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum, brcvi antequam vita decederet, 
sic legere coepisse, et sic a Salluslio r dictum affirmasse : Satis 
loquentiae, sapientiae parum : quod loquentia novatori verborum 
Sallustio maxime congrucret ; eloquentia cum insxpicntia minimc 
conveniret." 

14. Vastus animus. " His insatiable spirit." Dureau dc Lamalle 
renders it " Son ambition immoderee." 

15. Post doimnatunicm. This expression is equivalent, not to 
finita dommationc, but ab eo tempore quo dominari coepcrai. The 
preposition must therefore be rendered by " since." 

16. Lucn Sullae. Consult Historical Index. 

17. Rcipublicac capmndae. u Of ning upon the government." 
— Regnum. " Supreme power." — Quidquam pensi habebat. "Did 

he at all regard." 

18. Agkabatur. u Was goaded on." — His artibus. " By those 
practices." — Quos. Referring to marts, and not, as Cortius main- 
tains, to cives, implied in civifntcm. Render the whole clause as 
follows : " On which luxury and cupidity, evils of the most perni- 
cious tendency, and directly opposite to each other, kept exercising 
an active influence." 

19. Res ipsa. "The subject itself." — Tcmpus. "The oc- 
casion." — Supra repctcre. Understand narratwnem. — Insiituta 
vxajorum. M The principles of government adopted by our fore- 
fathers." — Quomodo, &c. " How they governed the republic." 

82 1- Sicuti ego accepi. W« may fairly infer from these words 
that, even in the days of Sallust, uncertainty attached itself to 
the early history of Rome The origin of the eternal citv is lost in 
fable. 

2. Trojani. No Trojans ever set foot in Italv ; the arrival of 
Aeneas in that country is purely fabulous, (rid. Sicbuhr's Roman 
History, vol. 1. p. 150. seqq.) 

3. Aborigines. A name given by the Romans to the primitive 
inhabitants of Italy, and which is supposed to be equivalent to the 
Greek Avrd^doves. Consult Historical Index. 

4. Sine impcrio. ' k Without any form of government." 

5. Dispari gencre. M Though dirlenng in origin."— Alius alio 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 221 

Page. 
more viventes, i. e. viventes (alio more), alius (vivenB) alio more. gj> 
" Though living each after a different manner." 

6. Res eorum. "Their state." — Civibus, moribus, &c. "In- 
creased in number of citizens, improved in manners, and enlarged 
in territory." The participle assumes a different meaning here with 
each of the nouns to which it refers. — Sicuti pleraque mortalium 
habentur. " As is the case, for the most part, with human affairs." 
— Opulentia. " Prosperity." 

7. Tentare. These and the following verbs are what are called 
historical infinitives, that is, the infinitive is used for the imperfect. 
Compare Jugurtha, note 4, page 4. 

8. Perculsi. Other editions have percussi, which is inferior. 
Bentley (ad. Horat. Epod. 11, 3) correctly lays down the distinc- 
tion between percellere and pcrcutcre, as follows : " Utrumque <U 
corpore proprxe, de animo ficrcKpoptKios dicitur. Percellere tamen 
magis quid quam percutere significat ; tanta scilicet vi per cuter e, 
ut ever (as et solo prosternas. Ergo in re graviore perculsus aptius 
vocabulum est ; perculsus terrore, metu, formidine, clade, ruina, 
damno, discordiis, passim in auctoribus occurrunt" 

9. Impcrium legitimum. " A government regulated by laws." 

10. Vcl aetate, &c. " In the cities of all the civilized nations 
around the Mediterranean," observes Niebuhr, " a senate was no 
less essential and indispensable than a popular assembly. It was 
a select body of the elder citizens : such a council, says Aristotle, 
there always is, whether the constitution be aristocratical or demo- 
cratical." (Rom. Hist. vol. 1, p. 290.) 

11. CoJiscrvandac hbcrtatis. " For the preservation of freedom." 
Some understand causa, which actually appears in a few manu- 
scripts and editions. Scheller, however, from a review of this and 
similar passages, inclines to the opinion that it will be better to 
supply ncgotium, or, when the context requires it, negotia. Thus 
negotium conservandae libertatis, &-c. (L. G. vol. 1, p. 400.) 

12. Dominationcmque. "And tyranny." The Romans always 
attached an improper meaning to the term dominus, the root of 
dominatio, using it in the sense of " tyrant," " a master of slaves," 
<kc. On this account Augustus refused the name. 

13. Convertit. Understand sese. " Changed." — Annua imperia, 
<kc. " Annual offices of magistracy, and two chief magistrates." 
The term impcrium, in its stricter acceptation, accords better with 
the character of the early consulship, than with the form it assumed 
after the successive encroachments of the plebeian power. From 
the law given by Cicero, in his own plan of a well-ordered state, 
and which is taken with some slight alteration from one of the old 

21* 



222 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Q2 * aws °f Rome, an idea may be formed of what he considered the 
genuine definition of the consular power. " Regio imperio duo 
sunto : iique praeeundo, judicando, consulendo, praetores, judices, 
consules appellantor. Militiae summum jus habento, nemini parento. 
Ollis salus populi suprema lex esto" (Cic. de leg. 3, 3, 8, ed. 
Goerenz.) 

14. Insolescere. "Grow haughty." Compare Florus, (1, 9,) 
" Ex perpetuo annuum (imperium) placuit ; ex singular! duplex: 
ne potestas solitudine vcl mora corrumperetur. ,y 

15. Sed. The connexion between the commencement of this 
chapter and what precedes, is as follows : Dum rcges imperium 
habebant, nemo se extollere audebat et laborabat. Sed post qua m 
libertas populo restituta, quisque gloriam quaerere et mgenium 
prompte agendo ostendere coepit. — Ea tempcstate. " At that par- 
ticular period." Tempestas and tempus very often differ like 
Kaipo$ and xP OVOi m Greek, the former being limited to a more 
definite and particular period of time than the latter. <0 pew 
Kcupdj iri\ot toi6tt)to. %p6vov, olov, 5tc rdAf^oj ijy* Xpdvoj it Troo-<5ri?ra, 
olov, irpd iUa %p6vcov } ?j, peril iUa cr/j. (Amm07iius rtpl iia<p. \c£. 
ed. Valck.) 

16. Cocpere se quisque extollere, &c. u Each one began to act 
with redoubled energy, and to display more openly the abilities 
which he possessed." The common text has man is before extollere, 
which we have rejected with Cortius as savouring of a gloss. — 
Boni. " The talented." — Mali. u Those of inferior intellects." 

17. Adepta libcrtaie. Adipiscor, being a common verb, admits 
both this construction, as well as adepta libcrtatem with adepta in 
the nominative. It remains to be seen whether the Latin deponents 
be not in fact middle verbs, and whether the existence of common 
verbs be not a strong collateral proof of this. 

18. Simul. For simul ac. Compare Livy, (9, 26.) " intellecturosqiu 
id ita esse, simul magistratu abiisscnt." The common text of Sal- 
lust has simul ac belk paticfis erat, in cast r is per laborem usu 
ynilitiam discebat. The reading which we have adopted is given 
by Cortius partly from manuscripts and partly from conjecture. 

19. Per usum. " By experience," i. e. actual service. — 
taribus equis. " War steeds." 
QJJ !• Eabos. The -Eolo-Doric tribes were fond of p, as the Lace- 
daemonians, who said lirrrop, n6p, atop, for I — > - >. 9e6s, &C 
Hence we may account for the Latin forms labor and labos, honor 
and hemos, &c. (Vid. Maittaire Dial. ed. Sturz. p. 196.) — Virtus 
omnia domuerat. " Their valour had triumphed over every obstacle." 
2. Sese quisque, &c. Compare note 7, page 75. — TaU 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 223 

Pa^e. 
facinus. " Such an exploit." Facinus, as has already been remarked Q3 
in the Notes to the Jugurthine War, denotes " a bold or daring ac- 
tion," and, unless it be joined with a favourable epithet, or the 
action be previously described as commendable, the term is always 
to be understood in a vituperative sense. In the present case, the 
previous description of the action fixes its character. ( Vid. Crombie's 
Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 159 ) 

3. Eos divitias, &c. " These they considered riches, this an 
honourable fame," &c. — Divitias honestas. "Moderate wealth." 
The expression divitias honestas is the same as divitias bonis 
artibus partas, adeoque mediocres. 

4. Ni ea res, &c. " Were it not that such a detail might draw 
me off too far from my subject." Ea res is regarded by some as 
an archaism for id ; but this mode of expression occurs in the best 
writers, though Sallust uses it more frequently than others. 

5. Res cunctas. For cuncta. Consult preceding note. — Cele- 
brat obscuratque. " Raises to eminence, and, again, buries in 
oblivion." 

6. Scriptorum magna imjenia. More elegant than scriptores 
magni ingenii, which is, however, the meaning of the phrase : 
"writers of great talent." Compare Curtius (3, 2, 13,) robora 
virorum, for viri robustissimi, and Catullus, (64, 4,) robora pubis, 
for adolescentes robusti. The writers to whom Sallust alludes are, 
without doubt, Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, &c. Some 
critics have regarded scriptorum in this passage as a mere gloss, 
especially as some manuscripts omit it, and others place it after 
ingenia, but its presence is necessary to the sense. 

7. Earn. Referring to virtutcm understood. Some editors read 
ea, understanding facta. — Ea copia. " That advantage." Kuhn- 
hardt thinks copia equivalent to multitudo, but incorrectly we con- 
ceive. If his explanation, however, should be preferred, ea copia 
mav be rendered, M the same number of able historians." 

8. Prudent issumus quisque, &c. "The most talented were the 
most occupied with public affairs." — Ingenium nemo, &c. Refer- 
ring to the martial habits of the early Romans, and the military 
service which was imposed upon all. 

9. Optumus quisque. " The best citizens." — Benefacta. "Brave 
deeds." 

10. Igitur. This conjunction refers back to chapter 7, from 
which chapter 8 is a digression. — Jus bonumque. "Justice and 
probity." The expression which follows, non legibus magis quam 
natura, is strictly Thucydidean, and would be, when rendered into 
Greek, ov vdjxois paWov (or to x\eiov) fi (fvaei. Compare the language 



224 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

83 °f Tacitus, (de moribus Germ. 19,) " plus ibi boni mores valent t 
quam alibi bonae leges." 

11. In suppliciis. " In the worship." Supplicium signifies both 
"punishment" and " supplication," "worship," or "sacrifice." 
Scheller's explanation is perfectly satisfactory. He makes the 
primitive import of the term, " a kneeling down." This maybe 
done either to supplicate the Deity, whence we have the kindred 
meaning of " religious worship ;" or it may be for the purpose of 
being beheaded, whence we deduce the meaning of "punishment." 
{Scheller, Lateinisch-Deutsches Worterb. s. v.) 

12. Ubi pax evenerat. Sallust uses this mode of expression and 
not in pace, for the purpose of showing that the Romans neither 
avoided war nor courted peace ; but, whenever the latter chanced 
to arrive, proved themselves not unworthy of enjoying it, by the 
justice and moderation of their conduct. — Scque remque publi- 
cam, &c. " They regulated their own conduct as well as the ad- 
ministration of the republic." 

13. Quod saepius, &c. Some editions have in bello before 
saepius. We have rejected it with Cortius as being sufficiently 
implied from the context. 

84 1- Imperiuniagitabant. " They managed their authority." Agi- 
tabant, the frequentative is here used for the simple agebant. 

2. Labore ct jushtia. " By the exertions of its citizens, and the 
equity of its administration." 

3. Regrs rnmsni. Before these words, and also before Carthago 
and auicla, in the next clauses, supply the term "when," in trans- 
lating. The monarchs here alluded to are, Perscs. king of Mace- 
donia, Jucrurtha, Mithridates, <kc. — Populi. "Communit: 

4. Carthago. Consult Geographical Index. 

5. Optandac. Agreeing with diritiae the nearest noun. — Ea. 
Referring to "cupidity" and "a thirst for dominion," pecuniae et 
imperii cupido. 

6. Matcries. "The genu." — Artis bonas. " Virtuous qualities." 
— Negiegtrt. The old form for negligcre. The infinitives neglcgere 
and habere depend on edocuit in common with superbiarn and crude- 
litatem. "The neglect of the gods, universal venal: 

7. Falsos. "Insincere" 

8. Ex re. "From their real importance." — Ma<risque rulhtm, 
<&c. " And to preserve rather a fair exterior than rectitude of prin- 
ciple." Literally, "than an honest spirit." 

9. Vvidicari. " They were punished." 

10. Post, ubi, contagio. &c. Great doubts exist respecting the true 
punctuation of this sentence. "We have adopted that which is given 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 225 

Page, 
by Cortius, making contagio an ablative from the old form conta- &A 
gium: {Contagio quasi, "by a sort of moral contagion.") The 
Bipont edition removes the comma after quasi, placing one after 
contagio, and another after pestilentia. Contagio then becomes the 
nominative to invasit. In either reading, contagio has vitiorum 
understood. 

11. Propius virtutem erat. Sallust means, that ambition, though 
a vice, has some affinity to virtue, which cupidity has not. Virtutem 
is governed by ad understood. We find the preposition supplied in 
Plautus, (Mil. Glor. 4, 6, 55,) " Si accesserit prope ad tc ;" and 
again, {Mostcll 2, 2, 30,) " Fuge ad me propius:' 

12. Bonus, ignavus. " The man who has merit and he who is 
devoid of it." — Vera via. " By the true path," i. e. by fair and 
honourable means. 

13. Studium habet. " Implies the desire." 

14. Venenis malis. " With poisons." Venenum, like f acinus, 
&c, is what the grammarians call medium nomen. It properly 
signifies " that which by its penetrating influence changes the natural 
qualities of any thing." As this may be either beneficial or injurious, 
xcncnum hence may indicate in the latter case " a poison," and in 
the former " a drug," " a medicine," " a colouring matter." In this 
passage Sallust uses the term in its strict acceptation, and therefore 
adds the qualifying adjective ; so that venenis malis, when literally 
rendered, will signify " with pernicious (or poisonous) drugs," i. e. 
poisons. This, after all, however, is somewhat of an affected 
archaism on the part of our historian, since the purest Latin writers 
are accustomed to use the word venenum, when standing alone, in a 
bad sense, without employing any adjective. The old form of ex- 
pression occurs in a law cited by Cicero, (pro Cluent. 54,) " Qui 
vcnc7ium malum fecit, 1 ' &c. (Compare Ernesti and Schiitz, Index 
Lat. Cic. s. v.) The term <papfiaKov is another well known instance 
of a medium nomen. Herodotus uses it to express colours, (1, 98,) 
•Kpo^a^c 'oveg fivditrfiivoi <papfidtcot(n. Vid. Koen, ad Greg. Dialect. 
(Ion. 94,) and Schweigh. Lex. Herod, s. v. 

15. Neque copia, &c. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : 
He who possesses much is as strongly influenced by the desire of 
having more, as he whose present resources are scanty ; and while 
want urges on the latter, the possession of abundant means does not 
quench the thirst for gain in the former. The desire of wealth makes 
both of them its slaves. 

16. Recepta republica. " Having wrested the state from the 
hands of his opponents." Alluding to Sylla's final overthrow of the 
Marian faction. — Ex bonis initiis, &c. " Caused a fair beginning 



226 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

g^ to be succeeded by an evil issue." The first acts of Sylla, upon his 
attaining to the unlimited control of the state, argued well for its 
interests. He favoured the party of the nobility, which Marios, 
plebeian in origin, had always sought to depress, and he seemed on 
the point also of reviving the ancient constitution The mask, 
however, was soon dropped, and the most horrid excesses ensued. 
Compare Velleius Paterculus, (2, 25,) " Putares Sullam venisse in 
Italiam, non belli vindicem, sed pacis auctorem" &c, and also 
Cicero, (de Off. 2, 8,) " Secuta est honestam causam non honesta 
victoria." 

17. Neque modum, &c. " The victors knew no limit, and prac- 
tised no self-restraint." — In avibus. "Among their fellow- 
citizens," or " in the case of their fellow-citizens." The common 
text has in cives. The present reading was first given by Wasse, 
from a manuscript. " Perclegantcr" observes the critic in speak- 
ing of this lection, " ncscioan vere, ccrte supra captum hbrariorum. 
He then refers in support of it to Virgil Aen 2, 540. Or id. 
1, 442. Cic. N. D. 1, 42, &c. He gives also in amicis, in the 9th 
chapter of the present narrative. — Quern in Asia luctaverat. Cor- 
tius reads Asiam, giving M the force of intra. 

Q£J 1. A™0cna. ' Anwenus most commonly denotes what is pleasing 
to the eye, while roluptarius properly refers to the senses. The 
expressions in the text may be rendered as follows : M A delightful 
country, the abode of pleasure." — Amare. potare. " To indulge 
in the excesses of licentiousness and intoxication." Potare is M to 
drink to excess," M to be addicted to drinking." M Bibunt sobrii, ad 
naturae necessitatem ; potant ebriosi arfluenter, et ad ebrietatem." 
(Popma.) As Sallust means to say that the Roman soldiers had 
acquired in Asia the habit of drinking to excess, biberc would evi- 
dently have been inadmissible in the text. 

2. Pnvatim ac publice. " AYhether the property of individuals 
or communities." — Delubra. Dclubrum, properly speaking, is 
merely a small chapel, or part of a temple ; or, as Noltenius 
(Lex. Antibarb.) defines it, •• Aedicula, in qua stat Dei cujusdam 
simulacrum ; parvum templum, vel pars temp&" The capitol was 
called Tempi um, in which there were three Delubra inclosed by a 
common wall, namely Jupiter's, Juno's, and Minerva's. In this 
passage of Sallust, the word may be rendered " shn: 

3. Fatigant. A strong expression : sapientium animos fatigant, 
"shakes the principles of the wise." — .Y> . Used for nedum y 
"much less." — Tcmperare with the dative, signifies " to set bounds 
to something," M to moderate." With the accusative it means " to 
regulate," "to arrange." 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 227 

Page. 

4. Innocentia, &c. "A life of innocence in another was regarded Q5 
as the mere offspring of a malevolent feeling," i. e. they gave him 
who led a virtuous life no credit for sincerity, but supposed him to 

be actuated merely by a spirit of malevolence and opposition, and a 
wish to set his own mode of life in direct contrast with that of the 
profligate, in order that it might carry with it a tacit censure on the 
conduct of the latter. 

5. Rapere, consumere. ' They plundered, they wasted." 

6. Pudorem, pudicitiam, &c. " Modesty, chastity, things divine 
and human without distinction, they utterly disregarded, and in then- 
violation of them acted without the least compunction or self- 
restraint." Seneca (de Benef. 1, 9) has borrowed some of his 
ideas and expressions from this and the preceding passages of 
Sallust. "Jam rapta spargere, sparsa pari avaritia recolligere 
certant : nihil pensi habere, paupertatem alienam contemnere, suam 
timere, nullum altum vereri malum ;" &c. 

7. Verum. This term is used here to denote strong indignation. 
Compare the remarks of Drakenborch (ad. Liv. 45, 19) on the em- 
phatic vero. 

8. Procter itijuriae licentiam. " Except the power of injuring." 

9. Victor es. Some manuscripts have victis instead of victor es, 
but the former is implied in the latter, and therefore need not be 
expressed. Other manuscripts give hostibus, but this again is 
already implied in the term sociis. " Quasi socios istos" observes 
Cortius, " non olim hostcs fuisse per se constet" 

10. Constructa. " Built up," or "constructed." The historian 
refers to the piscinae, or fish-ponds, which the wealthy Romans 
caused to be formed, generally on the seashore, by the damming up 
of the waters, and which were commonly of such vast dimensions 
as almost to deserve the name of seas. Some editions, however, 
read constrata, " built upon," referring to the splendid residences of 
many of the Roman nobility, built on large artificial moles projecting 
into the sea. Contracta, which other manuscripts present, is pro- 
bably a mere gloss. If otherwise considered, it may be supposed to 
allude to the encroachments made upon the limits of the ocean by 
these moles and marine palaces. Compare, as regards this last 
reading, Horace, (Carm. 3, 1, 33,) " Contracta pisces aequora 
se7itiunt, ,} &c. 

11. Turpidinem. An old form for turpitudinem. The nomina- 
tive turpido occurs in Tertullian (decor, mil. c. 14.) Gesner thinks 
this an error for turpitudo, but without any necessity. 

12. Cultus. " Luxurious habits." — Vescendi caussa. " For the 
sake of gratifying the appetite." 



228 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

gg 13. Luxu. " By luxurious indulgence." On this whole passage, 
compare Seneca, Epist. 89, ad fin. Aulas Gellius, 7, 16, and Lu- 
can, 4, 373. 

14. Animus imbutus, &c. " The heart, once contaminated by 
evil inclinations, could not easily forego the gratification of its vicious 
propensities." By lubidinibas are here properly meant the ruling 
propensities and desires of the heart. 

Q(J 1. In tanta tamque corrupta civitate, &c. The student will ob- 
serve with what peculiar force the mention of Catiline's conspiracy 
is re-introduced, after the masterly picture of Roman corruption 
which has just preceded. 

2. Flagitiorum atque facinorum. For flagitiosorum atquc faci- 
norosorum, the abstract for the concrete. M Of all kinds of profli- 
gate and daring spirits." Facinus, as we have already observed in 
a previous note, means a bold or daring action. Flagitium, though 
generally referring to lustful excess, denotes any fault, error, or 
crime, which reflects more or less disgrace on the offender ; and im- 
plies a less degree of moral guilt than scclus. ( Crombus Gymna- 
sium, vol. 2, p. 162, 3ded.) 

3. Quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret. " In order to purchase 
impunity for some disgraceful or daring offence." 

4. Convict i judicus. M Persons convicted on trial." 

5. Quos manus, &c. Manus refers to sanguine avili, lingua to 
pcrjurio. Compare Cicero, (2, in Cat. 4,) M Quis tola Italia vene- 
ficus, quis gladiator, quis latro, quis sicarius, quis parricula, quis 
testamentorum subjector, quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, quis 
nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier in/amis, quis corruptor juventutis, 
quis cormptus, quis perditus inrcnin }>otcst, qui sc cum Catilina non 
familiar issimc nxisse fateatur ?" 

6. Proxumi familiaresque. " Bosom friends and intimate com- 
panions." 

7. Inciderat. A metaphor taken from prey that falls into the trap 
or net of the hunter. 

8. Par similisquc ceteris. Par refers to internal resemblance, 
similis to external. Hence the clause may be rendered, M as cor- 
rupt in principle, and as profligate in conduct as the rest." 

9. Aetate fluxi. '* Pliant in consequence of their years." 

10. Modestiae suae. M His own honour." Modcstia is here 
used in the sense ofpudor, and marks the utter corruption of Catiline. 

11. Obnoxios. ** Dependant upon." Obnoxius properly denotes 
a dependance founded upon a consciousness of crime, and a dread 
of being exposed to punishment in case we disobey liim who is privy 
to our guilt. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 229 

Page. 

12. Cumvirgine nobili. Who the female here alluded to was Qg 
is not clearly ascertained. It is generally thought that the histo- 
rians of those times suppressed the name out of respect for the noble 
lineage to which she belonged. The daughter who was the offspring 

of this intercourse is spoken of by Plutarch, (vit. Cic. 10, ed. Hut- 
ten, vol. 5, p. 318,) and is referred to by Cicero, (frag. orat. in tog. 
cand. ed. Ernesti, vol. 7, p. 1052,) " Cum ex eodem stupro" &c. 

13. Sacerdote Vestae. The vestal of whom mention is here 
made was Fabia Terentia. She was brought to trial by Clodius 
for a violation of her vow. Several of the most respectable citizens, 
however, either convinced of her innocence, or wishing to thwart the 
tribune, exerted themselves in her defence with such success, that 
she not only obtained sentence of acquittal, but her prosecutor was 
obliged to flee from Rome. Cato, Catulus, and Cicero, espoused 
her cause. She was the sister of Terentia, the wife of Cicero. In the 
picture which Cicero draws of the scandalous misdeeds of Catiline, 
no mention is made by him of this incident, probably out of respect 
for his sister-in-law. — The Vestal virgins were introduced at Rome 
by Numa, in imitation of a similar priesthood existing at Alba. 
They were originally four in number. Two were subsequently 
added by Tarquinius Priscus, or by Servius Tullius, and six con- 
tinued to be the number ever after. These priestesses had charge 
of the sacred fire, and were bound to inviolable chastity. When 
convicted of dishonour, they were buried alive in the campus scele- 
ratus, and their paramours scourged to death in the forum. (Vid. 
Lipsius de Vesta et Vestalibus, Ant v. 1603.) 

14. Jus fasque. "Human and divine law." Thus Isidorus 
(Orig. 5, 11) remarks, " Fas lex divina est, jus lex humana." 

15. Aure.Uae Orestillae. The sister or daughter of Cneius Au- 
relius Orestis, who was praetor, A. U. C. 677. 

16. Nubere. The distinction between nubere and ducere must 
be attended to by the student. Ducere, "to marry," or "to take 
in marriage," is used when a man is the subject of discourse, or the 
nominative to the verb. Nubere, " to veil," or duci, " to be led," is 
used when a woman is the subject of discourse, or nominative to 
the verb. The ellipsis is supplied in the case of the former verb, by 
domum, in the latter by se. Thus, Ttane tandum uxorem (domum) 
duxit Antipho ? because the husband led the bride to his own abode 
from her father's house. Tullw (se) nupsit, literally, " she has 
veiled herself for Tullius," because the bride was veiled during the 
ceremony of marriage. The same distinction holds good in Greek 
between ya/!£a>, and ya^io^iai, although depending on a different 
explanation. Thus ya^lo), " I marry," is said of the husband, (uxo- 

22 



230 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

gg remduco,) but yanionai, in the middle voice, " I suffer, or permit, or 
cause myself to be led away in marriage by another," is said of the 
female, (nubo.) Compare Kuster de verbis mediis, p. 153. 

17. Privignum. "A son of his by a previous marriage." 

18. Necato filio. Cicero alludes to this horrid deed in his first 
oration against Catiline, (c. 6.) Valerius Maximus is more explicit, 
(9, 1,9.) He makes Catiline to have despatched his son with poi- 
son, (veneno sustulit.) 

19. Vacuam domum, &c. " He freed his home from every 
obstacle to this most wicked marriage." 

20. Dis hominibusque infestus. u Obnoxious to the hatred ot 
gods and men." Infestus is here used in what the grammarians 
denominate a passive sense. 

21. Ila co7iscientia,6cc. A powerful expression. "To such a 
degree did conscience desolate his tortured spirit." Some editions 
read vexabat, others versabat. Both lections are inferior to the one 
which we have given. 

22. Colos exsanguis. " His complexion was deadly pale." — 
Foedi oculi. " His eyes had a ghastly look." — Facie rultuqtce. " In 
his features, and in the whole expression of his countenance." 

23. Sed juventutcm, &c. The commencement of this chapter is 
connected with the end of the 14th, and the 15th intervenes in the 
light of a digression. 

Q*y 1. Signatoresque falsos. "Forgers." Persons who forged 
wills and other documents. — Commodare. " He lent out to others." 

2. Fidcm, fortunas, &c. "He regarded their good faith, their 
standing in the eyes of the world, the perils which they encountered, 
as things of little value," i. e. he despised these things in their case, 
and taught them to do the same. The term fortmias, in this pas- 
sage, is generally rendered " fortunes," i. e., property. It may 
be doubted, however, whether this meaning will suit here. Nei- 
ther Catiline, nor his accomplices, could well be indifferent about 
riches, since to obtain these they spared no act of baseness or crime. 
Gesner's explanation of fortunae seems to answer better here. 
" Fortunae totum ilium statum quo censentur felxces aut vifekces 
notare solet." 

3. Vbi eorum famam, &c. " When he had worn away their 
character and sense of shame." Attriverat very forcibly expresses 
the insidious arts and gradual approaches of Catiline. 

4. Insontes. " Those who had given him no cause of offence." — 
Circumvenire. This infinitive, and also jugulare, are governed by 
imperabat understood. 

5. Manus. The nominative plural. — Gratuito. " Without any 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 231 

Page. 
views of advantage.'' Compare Seneca, (de Clem. 2, 4,) " Qui Qf 
ignotos homines et obvios, non in compendium, sed occidendi causa 
occidunty 

6. Quod aes alienum, &c. " Because debts were heavy through- 
out all lands," i. e. because many citizens as well as others were 
involved in heavy debts in every quarter of the Roman world. This 
was the natural consequence of wide-spread luxury. 

7. Rapinarum et victoriae, &c. Sylla, after the final success of 
his arms, had assigned large tracts of land in Italy to his armed fol- 
lowers, and also the possessions of many of the proscribed. Ex- 
travagant and dissolute living, however, soon scattered this ill-got- 
ten wealth, and consequent poverty made them ripe for any new 
commotion in the state. " Hi sunt homines ," observes Cicero, " ex 

iis colwiiis, qv as Sulla constituit, coloni, qui se inspe- 

ratis rcpentinisque pccuniis sumtuosius insolentiusque jactarunt : 
hi dum acdijicant, tamquam beati, dum praediis, lecticis, familiis 
magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tantum aes alienum 
inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis exci- 
tandus." (2, in Cat. 9.) 

8. Tcrris. Pontus and Armenia. Pompey held this important 
command by virtue of the Manilian law, which was proposed by 
the tribune Manilius, and advocated by Cicero in a speech that is 
still extant. 

9. Consulatumpetundi. Ursinus proposes petenti, which is the 
reading of three manuscripts, on the ground that Catiline was 
already a candidate for the consulship. Amid the various opinions 
which have been advanced, we consider that of Planche the most 
correct. The period referred to in the text is the beginning of the 
year of Rome 690 : not long previous to this, (A. U. C. 688,) Cati- 
line, returning from the government of Africa, was accused of ex- 
tortion, and prevented from suing for the consulship, in conse- 
quence of this charge pending at the time. He was acquitted 
A. U. C. 689, and might therefore entertain " the hope of standing 
candidate for the consulship" at the commencement of the ensuing 
year. 

10. Senatus nihil sane intentus. " The senate without any 
distrust," or, "entirely unapprehensive of danger." 

11. Kalendas Junius. The Roman Calendar agreed with our 
own, in the number of months, and of the days in each ; but instead 
of reckoning in an uninterrupted series, from the first to the thirty- 
first, they had three points from which their days were counted. — 
1. The Calends or Kalends, which were always the first day of the 
month. Thev received their name from the old verb colore, be- 



232 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

g*y cause the priests, who had the charge of the Calendar, were required 
to proclaim the first day of the month publicly to the people, and to 
mention at the same time, the number of days between the Calends 
and the Nones. This last was done, because it behoved the people 
who lived in the country, to assemble in the city on the Nones of 
each month, in order to be informed by the rex sacrorum of the 
feasts and holidays, and to learn in general what they had to do, in 
regard to sacred matters, during that month. — 2. The Nones were, 
in the months of March, May, July, and October, on the seventh ; 
in all other months on the fifth. They were so called because 
there were nine days, counting inclusively, between them and the 
Ides. — 3. The Ides were on the fifteenth of March, May, July, and 
October, and on the thirteenth of the other months. They were so 
named from the old verb iduare, because they nearly divided the 
month. The Romans always counted forwards to the Calends, 
Nones, or Ides, never backwards from them. After the first day of 
the month, therefore, they began to reckon so many days before the 
Nones ; after the Nones, so many days before the Ides ; after the 
Ides, so many days before the Calends of the next month. It is to 
be observed that the Romans, in computing their time, always 
included the day from which, and also the day to which, they reck- 
oned : thus they called the 1st January, Cale?idae ; the 31st Decem- 
ber, pridie Calendas or Calendarum ; and the 30th, not secundo, but 
tertio (ante) Calendas. — The year of the city when the circum- 
stances, mentioned in the text, took place, was A. U. C. 690, 
B. C. 64. 

12. L. Caesare. For this and the other proper names mentioned 
in the present chapter, consult Historical Index. 

13. Colo'niis et munieiptis. A colony was a portion of Roman 
citizens or Latin allies sent out by public authority, either to take 
possession of lands captured in war, and to found thereon a new 
city, or to occupy cities which had fallen under the Roman sway. 
The municipia were foreign towns, whose inhabitants obtained the 
rights of Roman citizens. Of these there were different kinds. Some 
possessed all the rights of Roman citizens, except such as could not 
be enjoyed without residing at Rome. Others enjoyed the right of 
serving in the Roman legion, but had not the right of voting and of 
obtaining civil offices. The appellation is derived from munus and 
capio. 

14. Domi nobiles. Domi is here equivalent to in civitatibus 
suis. 

15. Nobiles. In this expression, the author is thought to have 
included C. Julius Caesar, M. Antonius, and other ambitious and 






CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 233 

Page. 

aspiring men, who were afraid to commit themselves, though they g^ 
secretly wished well to the conspiracy as an instrument for the pro- 
motion of their private views. 

16. Vivere copia. " The means of living." Vivere for vivendi. 

1 7. M. Licinium Crassum. Crassus had already borne the offi- 
ces of praetor and consul, and was remarkable for the extent of his 
private wealth. Not long after the period of the conspiracy, he 
united with Pompey and Caesar in forming the first triumvirate. 
(A. U. C. 693.) He was slain in his expedition against the Par- 
thians. (A. U. C. 700.) 

1. Antea. An account is now given, by way of digression, of gQ 
the previous conspiracy. It happened three years before that of 
Catiline. — De qua. Understand conjuratione, the verb conjuravere 
having preceded. 

2. L. Tullo, &c. A. U. C. 688. 

3. Legibus ambitus interrogati. The laws against bribery were very 
severe. If the successful candidates were convicted of that crime 
upon trial, they were deprived of the consulship, and their competi- 
tors who accused them were nominated in their place. They were 
also, besides being fined, declared incapable of bearing any office, 
or of coining into the senate, by the Calpurnian and other laws. 
Cicero made the punishment of bribery still more severe by the 
Tullian law, which he caused to be passed through the authority of 
the senate, by the additional penalty of a ten years' exile. 

4. Poenas dederant. In these, and similar phrases, it should be 
observed, that the proper meaning of the term poena is not " punish- 
ment," but " atonement." Thus dare poenas is, " to give satisfac- 
tion," " to make atonement," or " to be punished :" and sumere poe- 
nas is, " to exact atonement," " to take satisfaction," or " to pun- 
ish." Compare the corresponding Greek forms Sovvai SUrjv and 
XaffeTv Strtiv. 

5. Pecuniarum repetundarum. This latter word is simply the 
future participle passive of repeto, and not a defective noun as some 
make it. When in the genitive, it has pecuniarum either expressed, 
as in this passage, or more commonly understood. When in the 
ablative, pecuniis. The action was so termed because by it the 
money wrongfully obtained from an individual was demanded back. 
Our English word extortion, though generally given as the transla- 
tion of the term, is not, however, comprehensive enough, since the 
action repetundarum, was brought not merely for the recovery of 
what had been extorted from the individual who complained, but 
also for what had been obtained by the Roman governors under 
false pretences or by fraud. Catiline had been appointed a praetor, 



234 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

gg 68 B. C, and obtained Africa for his province. For his cruel and 

rapacious administration of this government, he was accused, on its 

expiration, at Rome. 

6. Quod intra legitimos dies, &c. " Because he was unable to 
declare himself a candidate within the days prescribed by law." 
The legitimi dies were not, as Cortius explains them, the 30 days 
previous to the Comitia Centuriata, but, according to Ernesti, only 
the 17 immediately preceding. (Vid. Ernesti, Clav. Cic. roc. Tri- 
nundinum.) Every candidate for the consulship was compelled by 
law to give in his name during these 17 days, and required at the 
same time to be free from all accusation. If any charge were 
pending against him, he could not sue for the office in question. — 
Profiteri has se candidatum understood. 

7. Cn. Piso. A member of the Calpumian house. Suetonius 
{tit. Caes. 9,) cites the account of two Roman writers, according to 
whom, Caesar was connected with Piso in this conspiracy, and, 
while the latter attempted an insurrection against the government 
abroad, the former was to have excited sedition against the admin- 
istration at home. 

8. Autromus. Most editions have circiter nonas Dcccmbcs 
after Autronius. These words are omitted, however, by Cortius, 
Teller, Kunhardt, and others. 

9. Capitolio. The senate mrt always, of course, on the first of 
January, in the Capitol, for the inauguration of the new consuls, 
who entered upon their office on that day ; and then usually there 
was a crowded hoi - 

10. Kalendis Januariis. Consult note 11, page 87. 

11. L. Cottcnii et L. Torquatum. These individuals had been 
chosen consuls in place of Autronius and Sylla, who were convicted 
of bribery, and consequently incapacitated from holding the office to 
which they had been elected. 

12. Ipsi. " Of their own authority." 

13 Fascibus correptis. " Having seized upon the consular 
power." The fasces were a bundle of rods, with an axe tied in the 
middle of them, which were carried before the kings, and afterwards 
before the consuls, as an emblem of their power. Valerius Popli- 
cola had a law passed, which took away the securis or axe from the 
fasces, i. e. it took from the consuls the power of life and death, and 
only left them the right of scourging. This last, however, rm 
a subsequent period, also taken from them by the Porcian and Sem- 
pronian laws. Whether the operation of these laws extended be- 
yond the walls of the city, or whether the consul, when invested 
with military command, could scourge and behead, is a point not 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 235 

Page, 
very clearly ascertained. See on this subject, the notes to chapter gg 
69, of the Jugurthine war. 

14. Hispanias. By the two Spains are meant Hither and 
Farther Spain, or, as the Romans called them, Citerior and Ulterior. 
Consult Geographical Index. 

15. Ea re cognita. Suetonius (vit. Caes. 9.) makes mention of 
a plot in which Caesar and Crassus were said to have been en- 
gaged at this time. Their plan was to make an attack on the sen- 
ate at the beginning of the year, and, after they had slain whom 
they pleased of that body, for Crassus to assume the dictatorship 
and appoint Caesar his master of the horse. Crassus, either from 
repentance or fear, {poenitcntia vel mctu,) came not at the day ap- 
pointed, and Caesar consequently did not give the signal which had 
been agreed upon, the dropping namely of his toga from his shoulders. 
The plot therefore failed. Suetonius makes no mention either of Cati- 
line or Piso as connected with this conspiracy, although it is evident 
that he and Sallust refer to one and the same event. A subsequent 
plot between Caesar and Piso has already been alluded to in note 7. 

16. Quod ni, &c. " And had not Catiline been too hastv in 
giving," &c. From the fondness of the Latin writers for the con- 
nexion by means of relatives, appears to have originated the use 
of quod before many conjunctions, merely as a copulative. (Zumpt. 
L. G. p. 404.) — Pro curia. " In front of the senate house." 

17. Consilium dircmit. " Caused the plot to fail." 

18. Quaestor pro praetore. " As quaestor with praetorian power." 
To send out a quaestor with praetorian power was a very unusual 
proceeding, and, as in the present instance, only sanctioned by the 
exigencies of the state. The quaestors had charge of the public 
money, and obtained their name a quaerendo, because they got in 
the public revenues. The principal charge of the city quaestors 
was the care of the treasury, which was kept in the temple of Saturn. 
The office of the provincial quaestors was, to attend the consuls or 
praetors into their provinces ; to take care that provisions and pay 
were furnished to the army ; to exact the taxes and tribute of the 
empire ; to take care of the money, and to sell the spoils taken in 
war, &c. The praetors were, strictly speaking, judicial officers ; 
they were also sent out as governors of provinces, and of course, 
commanded armies when occasion required. 

19. Infestum inimicum. W A bitter personal enemy." Some 
editors consider inimicum as superfluous, and reject it from the 
text. 

20. Cn. Pompeio. Compare the termination of chapter 17, 
" cujusvis apes voluisse" &c. 



236 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

gg 21. Esse volebat. Some editions have abcsst. Compare Dio 
Cassius 36, 37 : — 'Ettci b\vv xal d>f 6 IL'<tgjv idpaavvtro, i^o^ifir rt h 
yepovoia, pf) rt cvvrapd^ri, xai cvQvs avrdv is 'Ifiripiav, wp6^actv ) <!>$ xal 
in' dp%r)v riva, evefixpe' xal b piv ctravda vvd rdv i irrupt cur, dc iKi'icas 
ti avToig } ic<payr]. 

22. Quam plures. The common text has complures. 

23. In provineia iter faciens. "While on a march within his 
province." Cortius reads in promnciam, making in equivalent to 
intra. 

24. Sunt qui ita dxcant. Strict Ltlmity requires dieant, which 
we have given therefore in place of the common reading dicunt. It 
must be confessed, however, that several instances occur, even in 
the best writers, of the indicative bring thus used with the rel.r 

( Vid. Schcllcr. praeeept. styli. vol. 1, p. 166. Heusinger ad Cte. dc 
Ojjf I . I on such occasions is cer- 

tainly preferable, and in some cases essential to perspicuity, other- 
wise ct may be mistaken for the predicate. For example, 
if we sa\. ;o express, '* They are good men 
who say," and also, " There are good men who say," the expression 
is ei lubigww. This ambiguity is removed by expressing 
the former sentimei t bom, qui dtcunt." m which case the 
i\r esNM i> the subject, and the antecedent clause the pr- 
; and by expressing the latter sentiment by M Sunt bom. 
di<<; I dent clause is the subject, and the relative 
clause the predicate I I ( > ymnasium, vol 

ive here a perfect hexameter : 

H Pom pen refer fs I ^luretus ad. 

<jeeta membra poetat" occur in the 

best prose writers. We subjoin a few of the most striking — 

Hacc ut't d ulium, cuneoqut 

medws vadit {Liry, 22, 50.) 

siltam 



Augurtis patrum et prxsca formidme sacram. (Tar 

uitos homines, ut, rum priratus obisset (Xrpos.) 

uique amissa, ae rursuM utraqut reeepta. (Sueton.) 
usrurium eapientibus ojfieicbat. il. Max.) 

Aut prudentia major inest, aut mm mediocris. (Cic. de Off.) 






The term rlientes, which occurs in the passage of Sallust to which 
this note refers, has no relat the Roman institution I 

of patronage and clientship, but signifies hero merely M reteinere," I 

or " adhere. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 237 

Page. 

26. Adgressos. For aggressos. This is generally termed an gg 
archaism ; but, according to Scheller, it is a question whether the 
ancients ever altered the form of the preposition when in composi- 
tion. He considers it always more accurate to retain as far as 
possible the prepositions in an unaltered form, as adfcro, adtuli, 
adlatum; inretio, inmergo, &c. (Scheller, L. G. vol. 1, p. 129.) 

27. Praeterea. " In any other instance." — In medio relinqucmus. 
Some editions have rclinquimus. In medio rclinquere is " to leave 
undetermined." 

1. In rem. u Of advantage." — Unitersos. "All, at one and 89 
the same time." Some critics have defined unirersi as meaning, 
"all at one time." while cuncti denotes "all in one place." The 
present passage favours such a distinction, although instances are 
frequently met with where it is not observed, and where universi 
merely signifies " all together," or M considered as one aggregate." 
(Quasi ad unui 

2. Aedium. l4 Of the house." The primitive meaning of aedes, 
in the singular, is " an apartment." or M room." Hence it deno' 

in the same number, M a temple," i. e. an apartment or chamber for 
divine worship In the plural it : & a collection 

of a] inder one roof. 

3. Arbitrts. " W < nius defines arbiter to be, 
acco; primitive un{>ort, M Orcxdte adrepens, qui suis ocidis 
vidr. tribus audit." The most probable opinion is, that 
it is derived from the obsolete r, " to no," being com- 
pounded of ar for ad, and bit ere, in ti • v as we have areesso 
for adesso. Testis t witness," chiefly in a cause or 
trial. M ( > mn. vol. 1, p. 
309.) 

4. Neque. ego, <kc. The personal pronouns in Latin are seldom 

I pressed without implying emphasis in a greater or lest 
degree. Ego is here equivalent to lyusyt. u Nor, I assure vou, 
would I, relying on men of cowardly spirits or fickle minds, grasp at 
uncertainties in piece ui what is certain." 

5. Tempestatibus. "Occasions." 

6. Quia robis, &c. " Because I am well aware, that the same 
things are good or evil to you which are so to me." 

7. Nam idem telle, &c. " For to have the same desires and the 
same aversions, this, in fine, is the surest bond of friendship." 
Literally, u to wish and not to wish the same thing, this, in fine, is 
firm friendship." 

8. Diversi. " On different occasions." 

9. Concessit. '• Has come," or " has fallen." Compare Sallust. 



238 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

QQ Hist. frag. Lib. 3. Oratio Licinii ad plebem. " Itaque omnes con- 
cesser e jam in paucorum dominationem" &c. 

10. Tetrarchae. " Tetrarchs." Tetrarcha originally signified 
one who ruled over the fourth part of a country or kingdom, (from 
Tirrapa and dpxfi.) Afterwards, however, the term merely came to 
denote a minor or inferior potentate, without any reference to the 
extent of territory governed. Thus, according to Strabo, Galio- 
Graecia in Asia Minor was governed at first by twelve tetrarchs, 
afterwards by three, and lastly by two, previous to its being made a 
kingdom. 

11. Vectigales. Strictly speaking, the Stipendiarii, or Tribu- 
tarii, were those who paid their taxes in money ; and the Vectigales 
were those who gave a certain part of the produce of the soil to the 
republic. The words, however, as in the present instance, are 
sometimes confounded. 

12. Populi, nationes, &c. Gens is the root or stock, containing 
many families, (familiae,) or even nations, (nationes.) It is the 
generic term in respect to natio and familia. Thus the Germans 
may be called gens, the Saxons natio; or, if we rise higher, the 
Europeans may be called gens, the Germans natio. Gens is even 
sometimes applied to the whole human race ; as, M Gens homxnum 
est huic belluae adversa." (PI in. H. N. 8, 25.) Populus is more 
extensive than natio, but in general less so than gens, though in- 
stances are not unfrequent where populus &nd gens directly coincide. 
The term populi in the text may be rendered by " communities." 
(Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 256.) 

13. His obnoxii, (Sec. " At the mercy of these men, to whom, 
if the republic were in a sound and healthy state, we would prove a 
source of continual alarm. " 

14. Repulsas. " Repulses in suing for office." Some editions 
give rcpulsis as a participle. The term repulsas has nothing in it 
contrary to correct Latinity. Compare Livy, (39, 56,) "post duos 
rejmlsas."* 

15. Verum e?iim rero, &c. "But, indeed, and I call gods and 
men to witness the truth of my assertion," &c. 

16. Viget aetas, animus valet. " Our years are vigorous, our 
spirit is unbroken." 

17. Cetera res expediet. " The rest will follow of course." The 
literal meaning is, " the remainder of the affair will extricate itself 
(from the dangers which at present surround it.)" 

18. In extruendo 77iari, <kc. u In building up a sea, and in level- 
ling mountains." Alluding to the extravagance of the Roman 
nobility, in their fish-ponds, pleasure-grounds, &a 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 239 

Page 

1. Hlos binas, &c. Referring to the erection of two houses in QQ 
immediate connexion with one another, and communicating through- 
out. Compare the Septuagint version, (Is. 5, 8,) ol cvvoltttovtcs oUiav 
rrpds oiKiav, and Tacitus, (Annal. 15, 39,) " domo palatium et hortos 
continuare." 

2. harem familiar em. " A home of our own." 

3. Toreumata. " Embossed plate." From rdpevpa, " vas caela- 
tum." The term has no reference whatever to engraving, but is 
confined to work adorned with bass-relief. " Allein da es vom Met all 
gebraucht wird, so kann es bios auf Formen und Geissen sich 
beziehen ; und, da es nur erhobne Arbeit anzeigt, so lasst sich ohne 
nahern Grund auf kein Stcchen und Graben deuten." (Heyne, 
Sammlung antiquarischer Avfsdtze. Th. 2, 5, 129.) 

4. Nora diruunt. " Though they pull down edifices but recently 
erected." Some prefer vetera, as a reading, in place of nova, but 
this weakens the sense. In support of the present lection, compare 
Suetonius, (vit. Cats. 46,) " Mu?iditiarum lautitiarumque studio- 
sissimum multi prodidcrunt : villam in Nemorensi a fundamentis 
inchoatam, magnoque sumtu absolutam, quia non tota ad animum 
ei responderat, tot am diruisse, quamquam tenuem adhuc et obaera- 
to." 

5. Trahunt, vezant. " Though they squander, though they lavish 
in the wildest extravagance." Trahunt is here equivalent to dis- 
trahunt, and vexant to i?isano luxu disperdunt. 

6. Summa lubidine. " By the most lavish and capricious ex- 
penditure." 

7. Mala res, &c. " Our present condition is a wretched one, our 
hope of the future worse." 

8. Quibus mala, &c. u Unto whom all evils abounded, but who 
possessed neither property nor any hopes of lawfully acquiring it." 

9. Quieta movere. " To disturb the tranquillity of the state." 

10. Quae conditio belli for et. " What were to be the conditions 
of their engaging in the contest." 

11. Quid ubique, &c. Ubique is used both here and elsewhere 
by Sallust in the sense of et ubi. 

12. Tabulas novas. "An abolition of debts." The ordinary 
writing materials of the Romans were tablets covered with wax, 
paper, and parchment. Their stylus was broad at one end ; so that 
when they wished to correct or erase any thing, they turned the 
stylus, and smoothed the wax with the broad end, after which the 
tablets might be written on anew. Hence when debts were dis- 
charged, the former marks were smoothed over, and the tablets 
were ready for a new score. 



240 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

90 13 - Proscriptionem. Sylla first introduced the method of pro- 
scription. Upon his return to the city, after having overthrown 
the party of Marius, he wrote down the names of those whom he 
doomed to die, and ordered them to be fixed up in the public places 
of the city, with the promise of a certain reward (duo talenta) for 
the head of each person so proscribed. New lists (tabulae proscmp- 
tionis) were repeatedly exposed, as new victims occurred to his 
memory or were suggested to him. The land and fortunes of the 
slain were divided among the friends of Sylla. Catiline promised 
a repetition of these enormities to his followers. 

14. Bellum atque lubido victorum. " War and the license of 
conquerors." 

15. P. Sittium Nucerinum. Consult Historical Index. 

16. C. Antonium. Son of the celebrated orator, M. Antonius, 
and brother of II. Antonius Creticus, the father of the triumvir. 
Consult Historical Index. 

17. Omnibus nccessitudinibus, &c. " Beset by every species of 
want," i. e. in the most embarrassed circumstances. 

18. Cum eo se consulem. We have restored the old reading. 
Cortius gives eo consulem, &c, and makes eo an adverb. ("On 
this account," "therefore.") This, however, is forced. The mean- 
ing is, " that, in conjunction with him, (Antonius,) he (Catiline) will 
make a beginning of the enterprise." The reference is to their 
being colleagues in the consulship. 

19. Malcdictis increpat. " He attacks with revilings." — Cupi- 
ditatis suae. " Of his ruling propensity." 

20. Peiitionem suam. M His application for the consulship." 

91 1- Humani corporis sanguijicm. According to Dio Cassius, 
(37, 30,) a boy was slain by the conspirators, and, after a solemn oath 
had been taken over his entrails, Catiline and his accomplices par- 
took of them as at a sacrifice, (e<n7\ayxvev<Tcv avra pera riov aWcop.) 

2. hide cum post exsecratwnem, &c. M That when, after having 
invoked a solemn curse upon their own heads in case they proved 
faithless, they had all slightly tasted thereof." Some editions place 
a comma after inde , but it is much more elegant to refer it to the 
contents of the cup. 

3. Atque eo, &c. Dictitare does not refer to Catiline, but is 
used as the historical infinitive for dictitabant, and refers to those 
persons who propagated the report in question : u and they reported 
about that he had done it with this view, in order that," &c. 

4. Alius alii, &c. " Being conscious, one to another, of so great 
a crime." 

5. Cicerwiis invidiam. " The odium against Cicero." 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 241 

Page*, 

6. Pro magnitudine. "Considering its importance." TheQJ 
meaning of the whole passage is this ; the proof, on which this 
accusation rests, is too slight, considering the heavy nature of the 
charge, for me to express any definite or decided opinion on the 
subject. 

7. Amoverant. " Had expelled." Among their other duties, the 
censors had the inspection of public morals. A general review of 
the whole Roman people took place every lustrum, a period of five 
years. The manner of expelling from the senate was by passing 
over the name of the delinquent in calling the senatorial roll. 

8. Vanitas. u Inconsiderateness," or " want of judgment." 

9. Prorsus, neque dicere, &c. " In short, he did not at all care 
what he either said or did." 

10. Vetus consuetudo. " An intimacy of long standing." — Minus 
largiri poterat. " He was less able to lavish presents upon her." 

11. Maria montesque, &c. " To make her the most extravagant 
promises." A proverbial mode of expression. (Compare Adagia, 
Veterum, p. 472, col. 2.) The verb polliceri, generally, perhaps, 
significant of express and certain engagements and those made by 
stronger affirmations, is employed only in a good sense, as exciting 
hope ; whereas promittere holds forth either good or evil, awakening 
hope or fear. {Crombies Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 146.) 

12. Obnoxia. " Obedient to his will." 

13. Insolentiae. " Strange conduct." 

14. Sublato auctore. " Having concealed the name of her in- 
formant." Understand de narratione. Compare Cicero, (ad. Att. 
2, 24,) u Caepionem de oratione sua sustidit." 

15. M. Tullio Ciceroni. Cicero obtained the quaestorship at 
thirty-one ; the aedileship at thirty-seven ; the praetorship at forty ; 
the consulship at forty-three ; and he informs us that his appoint- 
ment to each of these offices was in the very year in which he was 
eligible by law. 

16. Plcraque nobilitas. The feminine singular pleraque is not 
usual among the Latin writers. Sallust has already used it in the 
17th chapter of the History of this Conspiracy. Compare Jugurtha, 
c. 60 and 81. Aulus Gellius, (17, 21.) Apuleius, (Apol. sub. fin., &c.) 

17. Credebant. Nobilitas, as a collective noun, takes the plural 
verb. 

18. Homo navus. Among the Romans, those who were the first 
of their family that had raised themselves to any curule office were 
called Homines novi, "new men," "upstarts," &c. Compare 
Appian, B. C. (2, 2,) koKovcti o'outw (scil. icaivdv.) tovs d<p' lavroiv, dW 
oi rdv vpoydvuv, yvojpifiovg, and Jugurtha, note 5, page 3. 

23 



242 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

91 19. Postfuere. " Lagged behind." 

20. Popularis. " The accomplices." Understand socios. 

QO 1. Sumtam mutuam. "Borrowed." Hill derives the adjective 
mutuus from mutare, and makes it imply a change of the thing lent, 
and a return made by an equivalent. Whereas commodare, " to 
lend," supposes the subject restored as it was given. (Synonyms, 
p. 210.) There is some doubt, however, whether the etymology 
here assigned to mutuus be correct. Varro makes the Latin mu- 
tuum to be fioXrov among the Sicilian Greeks, which last is equiva- 
lent to %ajD(f, " a favour," " an act of kindness," &c. And thus 
we have in a fragment of Sophron, fioTrov kni poi. Consult Muller, 
Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 12. 

2. Manlium. This Manlius had held a commission in the army 
of Sylla, under whom he had acquired considerable military experi- 
ence, and accumulated great wealth, which he soon dissipated by 
his excessive extravagance. Plutarch, Dio Cassius, and Appian, 
write the name MuXAio? ; and hence it would seem that Mallius, 
which is the reading of a few manuscripts, is more correct than 
Manlius. The editions of Sallust, however, give the latter form, 
with very few exceptions. 

3. Princeps belli faciundi. " The first to begin the war." 

4. Adscivisse. Understand sibi, which is expressed in some 
editions. 

b. Quae, ubi aetas, &c. " Who, when years had set bounds to 
their sources of gain, but not to their luxurious indulgences." Nequt 
is here equivalent to et non. 

6. Servitia urbana. "The city slaves." Servitium, in the sin- 
gular, means " slavery," &c. In a few instances, however, it has 
the same signification as the plural. Compare Cic. in Vert. 7, 4, a 
med. Id. de Harusp. resp. c. 12, dreamed., &c. 

7. Sempronia. A member of the illustrious house of the Sem- 
pronii, from which the two Gracchi and other distinguished men 
derived their descent. 

8. Virilis audaciae. " Stamped with manly boldness." 

9. Viro. She married Decimus Junius Brutus, who held the con- 
sulship with M. Aemilius Lepidus Livianus, A. U. C. 677. 

10. Psallere. This verb, from the Greek ifaXXw, means either 
to play upon a musical instrument, or to accompany it at the same 
time with the voice. — The infinitives psallere and saltarc, and like- 
wise the accusative multa alia, depend on docta. 

11. Elegantius. " With more elegance." "With more skill." 
This word seems used in a bad sense, referring to loose, indecent, 
and theatrical gestures in dancing, which, at the same time, how- 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 243 

Page, 
ever, were not ungraceful. In the earlier period of the Roman GO 
republic, both dancing and music were held in little repute. After 
the adoption of Grecian customs and habits, more regard was paid 
to them, and they met with less censure, especially music. In the 
corrupt ages of the empire, when public morals were at their lowest 
ebb, dancing of course came fully into vogue, and without any 
blame being attached to it. It may perhaps excite our surprise that 
the Romans should have condemned what we regard as so innocent 
an amusement ; but we should bear in mind, that the dancing which 
the Romans censored can only be compared with the worst species 
of our opera-dancing, since they had also their religious dances, 
those of the Salii in particular, which were sanctioned by the prac- 
tice of ages. The Latin verb which we translate " to dance," pro- 
perly signifies, co leap high and frequently ; the corresponding Greek 
verb (vpxeofjiai) has a similar meaning : Plato in his Cratylus explains 
it by ixerccjpi^u} and -rdWio : so Antiphanes in Athenaeus, p. 688, 
b., has the expression Kapdia dp^elrai, the heart leaps, for Kapdia 
TTr]6a. 

12. Iustrumenta luxuriae. " The instruments of vice." 

13. Creditum abjuraverat. " Had foresworn a trust reposed in 
her." — Praeceps abierat. " Had plunged headlong into ruin." 

14. Varum ingenium ejus, &c. " Her native powers, however, 
were far from contemptible." 

15. Facetiae. Facetiae denotes gracefulness in general, or that 
elegance of wit and humour, which indicates a correct and delicate 
taste. — The primary idea implied in Lepos, and lepidus, is sweetness 
or softness, opposed to what is harsh and rough, and the term is 
confined to the mode of expression : whereas facetiae is applicable 
to the sentiment as well as the diction or gesture, designating the 
character of the mind, as possessed of taste and judgment. (Vid. 
Crombie's Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 39.) If, after these premises, we 

I might venture to translate the passage in Sallust to which this note 
refers, it would be as follows : " In a word, she possessed a large 
share of refined wit, and much captivating sweetness of expression." 

16. Designatus. Consult note 13, page 105. 

17. Dolus, aut as tutiae. " Dexterity or address." Dolus is here 
equivalent to what the civilians call dolus bonus, i. e. a stratagem 
put in operation against an enemy, in one's own defence. Thus 
Ulpian remarks : " Veteres dolum etiam bouum dicebant, et pro 
sollertia hoc nomen accipiebant : maxime si adversus hostem latr<h 
nemve aliquis machinetur ■." 

18. Pollicendo per Fulciam. Some editions place a comma 
after pollicendo y and connect per Fulviam with effecerat, removing 



244 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

<J2 tne poi nt before the last mentioned word. The punctuation in our 
text is far preferable. 

19. Pactions promnciat. The province of Macedonia had fallen 
to the lot of Cicero, but he generously yielded it to Antonius, who, 
being in indigent circumstances by reason of his dissipated life, was 
the more easily inclined to receive a rich province as the price of 
his adherence to the state. Antonius held the government of Mace- 
donia for two years after the expiration of his consulship, and, on his 
return to Rome, was brought to trial and sentenced to perpetual 
banishment, for extortion, and for making war beyond the bounds 
of his province. (Lie. epit. 103.) Before his elevation to the con- 
sulship, the censors had expelled him from the senate. He appears 
to have been a man of profligate habits. 

20. Nt contra rcmpublicam, eVc. M Not to cherish sentiments 
hostile to the well-being of the state.'' 

21 . Clicntium. The institution of patronage and clientship owed 
its origin to Romulus, according to the common account. That the 
patricians and plebeians might be connected together by the strictest 
bonds, the monarch ordained that even' plebeian should choose from 
the patricians any one he pleased as his patron, or protector, whose 
clicrit he was called. It was the part of the patron to advise and 
to defend his client, to assist him with his interest and substance ; 
in short, to do every thing for him that a parent uses to do for his 
children. The client was obliged to pay all kind of respect to his 
patron and to serve him with his life and fortune in any extremity. 
As regards the origin, however, of this relation between the two 
orders, it is more than probable that the common account is incor- 
rect. The institution of patronage would seem to have sprung from 
a state of society in which a superior caste exercised sway over an 
inferior one : nor is this one of the least interesting objects of 
inquiry connected with the early history of Rome. 

22. Comitiorum. " Of election." The comitia here referred to 
are the Centuriata. (Vid. Adam's Roman Antiquities.) 

23. Cotisulibus. The Bipont edition reads consuli, referring the 
term to Cicero alone. Cortius gives consvlibus, supposing the 
consults designaJi 'to be also meant. — Campo. "In the Campus 
Martins." 

QO 1. Aspera focdaqu-t ' cvencrant. " Had eventuated in disappoint- 
ment and disgrace. n 

2. C. Julium. Not a member of the Julian family, but probably 
some obscure individual. Had he belonged to that illustrious house 
he would have been mentioned by Sallust among the principal con- 
spirators. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 245 

Page. 

3. Quern ubique. For quern et ubi. QJJ 

4. Obsidere. A verb of the third conjugation, from obsido, — ere, 
" to beset. 7 ' 

5. Cum telo esse. " Carried a weapon about with him." This 
phraseology is adopted from a law of the twelve tables, by which it 
was forbidden to wear any weapon in the city. Compare Cicero, 
(pro Milone, 4,) " Quae (lex) non modo hominem occidi, sed esse 
cum telo hominis occidendi causa tetat.' n Upon any sudden provo- 
cation the Romans used the graphium or stylus as a weapon, which 
they carried in a case. Hence probably the origin of the word stiletto 
in Italian. 

6. Item alios jubcre. " He directed others to do the same," i. e. 
item esse cum telo. 

7. Fcstinare. " He was actively employed.'* 

8. Intempcsta nocte. u In the dead of night." Intempesta nox 
properly denotes that period of the night which is fit only for repose, 
or, to use the words of Macrobius, (Sat. 1, 3, extr.) "quae non 
habet idoneum tempus rebus gerendis" 

9. M. Porcium Laecam. This individual has already been men- 
tioned in the 17th chapter. According to Cicero, (1 in Cat. 4, — pro 
Sulla, 18,) the meeting was held in the house of Laeca, on the night 
of the 6th November, (•' ca nocte, quae consccuta est posterum diem 
nonarum Xovcmbns, me (Cicerone) consule.'*) Sallust evidently 
places the time of this meeting too early : he seems to have been 
under the impression that it was held about the close of October, 
since he only mentions the accusation of L. Paullus against Catiline 
(which occurred on the 22d October) in the 31st chapter. . Cicero's 
account agrees with Sallusfs as to this having been merely a par- 
tial meeting at the house of Laeca : " convenisse codem complurcs 
ejusdem amentiae scclerisque soews." Dio Cassius only states that 
Catiline directed his accomplices to assemble by night at a certain 
house, (If oiKiav riva avWeyfjvai' 37, 32.) 

10. C. Cornelius, &c. Cicero here differs from Sallust, and 
makes both Cornelius and Vargunteius to have belonged to the 
equestrian order. <k Reperti sunt duo cquites Romani, qui te ista 
cur a liberarent, et sese xlla ipsa nocte paullo ante lucem me meo in 
lectuto interfecturos polliccrentur." (1 in Cat. 4.) The discrepancy, 
however, may easily be removed by supposing that Vargunteius, 
although a senator, was of equestrian extraction and rank. Plu- 
tarch calls the two individuals in question Marcius and Cethegus, 
(vit. Cic. 16, ed. Hutten, vol. 5, p. 236). The account given by 
Appian varies from that of Sallust in one or two particulars, and 
also, like that of Plutarch, in the names. Appian makes Lentulus 

23* 



246 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Q3 an< * Cethegus to have been the intended assassins. (B. C. 

2, 3.) The statement of Sallust is no doubt entitled to the most 

credit. 

11. Ea node paullo post, &c. " Paullo post intempestam noc- 
tern" observes Cortius, " hoc est primo mane, illud enim tempus 
salutationum erat." It was the custom at Rome for the consuls to 
hold their levees early in the morning. 

12. Sicuti salutatum. "As if for the purpose of paying their 
respects." 

13. Intellegit. The old present : an archaism for intelligit. 

14. Latrones. Governed by sollicitarc understood. 

15. Sullanis colonis. The soldiers of Sylla, settled as colonists 
on the lands of the Etrurians. Compare Cicero, (2, in Cat. 9,) 
"Hi sunt homines ex ixs coloniis quas Sulla coJistituit" &c. 

16. Anapiti malo. M By the double danger," i. e. both within 
and without the city. 

QA 17. Privato consilw. " By his own private vigilance," or, "by 
his single management." 

1. Rem ad senatum rcfert. M He lays the matter before the 
senate." Dahl supposes this to have taken place on the 19th or 21st 
of October. 

2. Volgi rumoribus exagitatam. M Noised abroad by reason of 
the popular rumours." Cortius prefers cxagitalum, though he retains 
the common readin_ turn would refer to the senate being 
agitated and alarmed by the popular rumours, previous to Cicero's 
formal ratal i 

3. In atroci ?iegotio. " In a dangerous emergency." 

4. Ea potestas, &c. Cortius considers ea as an ablative, with 
formula dccreti, or some other equivalent expression, understood. 
This interpretation appears to us rather forced : we would prefer 
rendering the passage as follows : M This is the highest authority 
which, in accordance with Roman usage, is bestowed upon anv 
magistrate." The whole passage forms a " locus classicus" in 
relation to the meaning and limits of the famous decree to which it 
alludes. The decree was called U'timum or Extremum. Bv it 
the republic was said to be entrusted to the consuls. For 120 vears 
before Sylla, the creation of a dictator was disused ; but in danger- 
ous emergencies the consuls were armed with dictatorial power bv 
a decree of this nature. 

5. Imperiujn atque judicium, &c. " To exercise the highest 
military and civil control." Imperium, as opposed to Magistrates 
or Potestas, denotes military power or authority. 

6. Nulli carum rerum, &c. Some manuscripts give nullius 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 247 

Page. 
Cortius, and others, however, prefer nulli. It is questioned whether QA 
nulli be the dative case, according to the common form of declining, 
or the genitive, according to the older mode of inflection. It is 
thought by many that the position of the words strongly favours the 
latter opinion. We take the liberty of dissenting from this. The 
common mode of explaining the passage we consider perfectly 
unexceptionable : " without an express order of the people, no con- 
sul has the right of interfering in these things." 

7. Recitavit. "Read aloud." — Legere. " To read/' " to peruse 
with the eyes without uttering any sound." — Recitare. " To read 
aloud that others may hear." Compare Ncltenius Lex. Antibarb, 
vol. 1, page 1146, seqq. 

8. Ante diem sextum Kalendas Novembris. " On the sixth day 
before the Kalends of November," i. e. the 27th October. The 
Latin phrase is equivalent to die sexto ante Kalendas, or, according 
to the more usual form, sexto Kalendas. Ernesti and others make 
diem to be governed by in understood, which »s expressed in many 
instances. Compare Cicero, Phil. 3, 8, " in ante diem iv. Kal. 
Dec.," &c, and 1, in Cat. 3, "Dixi ego idem in senatu, cae- 
dem te optimatum contulisse in ante diem v. Kai. Novembres." 
Zumpt, in his larger grammar, thinks that these apparently anoma- 
lous phrases probably arose from a transposition of ante ; and that 
having once written ante die tertio Kalendas, they would easily be 
led to change die into diem, as if it had been governed by ante. In 
his smaller grammar, (Bancroft's transl. p. 233,) he considers ante 
diem in the light of an unchangeable substantive, since prepositions 
which govern the accusative can be set before it. Compare the 
usage of pridie. " Nos in Formiano esse volumus usque ad pridie 
Nonas Maias." (Cic. ad Att. 2, 11.) 

9. Fieri. u Were being held." 

10. Q. Marcius Rex, Q. Metellus Creticus. Consult Historical 
Index. 

11. Circumque loca. Circum is here put for circumjacentia. 
Some editions read circumque ea loca. 

12. Ad urbem. " Near the city," or " at the gates of the 
city." Generals who claimed a triumph could not enter the city 
until the senate had decided upon their application. If they vio- 
lated this rule, their military power instantly ceased, and their 
right to a triumph was lost, since no citizen was allowed to hold 
anv military power within the city- walls. It required a special law 
to be passed, giving them military authority within the city on the 
day of their triumph. The senate met their victorious commanders 
without the walls. 



248 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

QA 13. Calumnia paucorum. " By the cabals of a few individuals." 
Culumnia appears to be used here in a sense which approaches 
very nearly its primitive one. If Priscian's derivation of the term 
from the old verb calvo " to thwart," " to deceive," be the true one, 
(calutum in the supine being the intermediate step,) the original 
meaning of culumnia will be, " unfair practices," " cavils," " ca- 
bals," &c. 

14. Sed praetor es. Understand quoque missi. 

15. Permissum. " Full power was given." Pcrmittere is " to 
permit," " to give leave," " to empower." In the treatise addressed 
to Herennius, permissio is defined to be, " Rem tradcre, et alicujus 
voluntati concedere." Mandatum, on the other hand, corresponds 
very nearly to our English word " commission." 

16. Pro tempore, &c. " Proportioned to the exigency and the 
danger." 

17. Scstertia centum. " One hundred thousand sestertii." One 
thousand sestertii made a sestcrtium, which is the name of a sum, not 
of a coin. The common mode of reckoning among the Romans 
was by sestertii or nummi. The sestertius, " sesterce," was a 
silver coin worth originally two asses and a half, and marked by the 
letters L. L. S. for libra, libra, semis, (two pounds and a half of cop- 
per,) sometimes abbreviated by contracting L. L. into H, thus H. S. 
unless H be an abbreviation or corruption from I. I. or two marks 
of unity, which is far more probable. The oldest Roman money 
was of brass ; and an as, as a coin, was originally a pound of cop- 
per. But after silver began to be coined, (some years before the 
first Punic war.) the as was made to weigh less, at first -$-, then f^ t 
then 2 -^, of the original weight, so that the coin, which at first had 
weighed a pound, at last weighed but half an uncia. Of silver 
coins the denarius was originally equal to 10 asses, and the sester- 
tius, as above mentioned, to two asses and a half. Hence the name 
sestertius, which is shortened from semistertius ; i. e. the first an 
as, the second an as, the third a half as. (Vid. Schiccighamser ad 
Herodot. 1, 50— Matthiae, G. G. vol. 1. page 176. Blomficld's 
transl. and Remarks of editor.) After the reduction of the as. how- 
ever, to fa °f a pound, the denarius became equal to 16 asses, and 
the sestertius, or quarter of a denarius, was worth now 4 «,»w.>\ A 
denarius weighed about 73 Paris grains, but under the first empe- 
rors it was gradually diminished to 63 ; so that in the times of the 
repubbc 84 made a pound ; but under Domitian, it took from 96 to 
100. As the silver used in that coin was but little debased by- 
alloy, we mav assume that a denarius was equal to a very little 
more than 15 cents of our money ; a sestertius therefore was equal 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 249 

Page, 
to 3f cents, and 1000 sestertii, or a sestertium, to $37 1 - 5 5 V 94 
{ZumpCs L. G. p. 235. Bancroft's translation.) 

18. Gladiator iaefamiliae. " Troops of gladiators." Gladiators 
were kept and maintained in schools (in ludis) by persons called 
lanistae, who purchased and trained them. The whole number 
under one lanista was called familia. Gladiators were at first 
composed of captives and "laves, or of condemned malefactors. 
But afterwards, in the days of the emperors, even free-born citizens, 
induced by hire or inclination, fought on the arena, some too of 
noble birth. 

19. Minor es magistratus. The higher magistrates were the 
consuls, praetors, and censors : the inferior magistrates were the 
aediles, tribunes, quaestors, &c. (Vid. Aid. Gell. 13, 15.) 

20. Lasavia. This term is commonly rendered " wantonness," 
a meaning which cannot apply here with any peculiar meaning or 
definite force. It appears to us that " devotion to public amuse- 
ments" will suit the context better. Dureau de Lamalle translates 
the word in question by "licence dissolue." 

21. Diuturna quies. From the time of Sylla down to this period, 
that is, for nearly twenty years, there had been an intermission of 
civil discord. 

1. Adflictare sese. "Were plunged in the deepest affliction." Q£J 
The verb adflictare is the frequentative of adfligere, which properly 
denotes ad terram prosternere, being compounded of ad, zxiH fligcre, 

" to dash or strike against." 

2. Rogitare. u Were making continual inquiries about the 
conspiracy." 

3. Tamcn ctsi, &c. " Although precautionary measures were in 
agitation against him." 

4. Lege Plautia. The Plautian, or Plotian, Law was passed 
A. U. C. 665, having been proposed by M. Plautius Sylvanus, tri- 
bune of the commons. It ordained that all who should plot against 
the senate, offer any violence to the magistrates, appear with a 
weapon in public, seize upon any of the higher places of the city 
with seditious views, or beset, with an armed force, the abode of 
any citizen, should be punished with exile. This law was subse- 
quently put in force against those of the conspirators who had not 
been capitally dealt with. 

5. Postremo. Sallust here resumes the strict order of the nar- 
rative, which had been interrupted by the digression in chapter 28. 
Inter ea Manlius, &c. 

6. Jurgio. " By an accusation originating in private animosity." 
Jurgium is used in this same sense by Cicero, (pro Coel. 13,) 



250 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Q2 " Omnia sunt alia non crimina, sed maledicta jurgii petulantis wia- 
gis, quam publicae quaestionis." 

7. In senatum venit. This took place on the sixth day before 
the ides of November, (the 8th of the month, according to our mode 
of reckoning,) and the meeting of the senate was held in the tem- 
ple of Jupiter Stator, where Cicero had convened that body. The 
attempt on the consul's life (vid. chap. 28,) was made the day pre- 
vious. Cicero informs us that Catiline was shunned by all the 
assembled senators. (Cic. in Cat. 2, 6.) 

8. Praesentiam ejus timens. Catiline's presence in the senate, 
on this occasion, was probably feared by Cicero for two reasons : 
first, lest, with the aid of those members who were implicated in 
the conspiracy, he might break forth into some act of violence ; and, 
secondly, lest the very circumstance of his openly appearing in that 
assembly, might lead many to believe that he was an innocent and 
calumniated man. 

9. Orationem habuit, &c. "Delivered an oration, brilliant in 
itself and beneficial in its results to the republic." The speech, to 
which allusion is here made, was the first oration against Catiline. 
So splendid a burst of extemporaneous eloquence deserves far 
higher encomiums than the cold and formal praise bestowed by the 
historian. This oration of Cicero proved of service to the state 
on two accounts : it rendered the conspiracy formed against the 
republic so clear, that no one could doubt its existence, and it com- 
pelled Catiline to retire from the city. 

10. Quam postea scriptam edidit. " Which he afterwards com- 
mitted to writing and published." Elegant Latinity for quam pos- 
tea scripsit et edidit. " In point of effect," observes Mr. Dunlop, 
" this oration must have been perfectly electric. The disclosure 
to the criminal himself of his most secret purposes — their flagitious 
nature, threatening the life of every one present — the whole course 
of his villanies and treasons blazoned forth with the fire of incensed 
eloquence — and the adjuration to him, by flying from Rome, to free 
his country from such a pestilence, were all wonderfully calculated 
to excite astonishment, admiration, and horror." (Dunlop's Roman 
Literature y vol. 2, p. 299. Lond. ed.) 

11. Adsedit. " Took his seat." — AdsTdere. "To sit down," 
"to take one's seat." — Adsidere. " To keep one's seat," " to be 
sitting by the side of." The former is compounded of ad, and 
sidere " to settle," or "be fixed." 

12. Ut omnia bona in spe haberet. " As to entertain hopes of 
enjoying all preferments." Beauzee renders it, " l'autorisaient a 
pretendre a tout ce qu'il y avoit de mieux." 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 251 

Page. 

13. Cujus ipsius atque majorum, &c. "At whose own hands Qg 
and those of his ancestors, very many kindnesses had been received 

by the Roman commons." 

14. Inquilinus civis. "An adventitious citizen." Inquilinus 
civis properly denoted one who was not born at Rome, but who 
possessed the rights of citizenship, having no house of his own,- but 
occupying a hired lodging. Cicero, who was born at Arpinum, is 
here sneeringly termed an adventitious citizen, lodging in the city. 
Compare Appian, (Bell. civ. 2,) eg fiiv ayvoyaiav yivovg, KAINON 
dvofiafav' eg 61 t-eviav rfjg nSXeug, IFKOYIAINON, a> pri/tan koXowtiv 
rovg ivoiKovvrag Iv dWorpiatg olxiaig. Plutarch ( Vit. Cic.) states, that, 
on the occasion alluded to in the text, Catiline attempted to address 
the house in defence of his conduct, before Cicero rose up ; but 
that when he began to speak, the senators interrupted him in such 
a manner that he could not be heard. He is silent respecting any 
reply having be" en made by him to the oration of the consul. It 
would appear from this, but more especially from a remark of 
Cicero, in his speech for Muraena, (chapter 25,) that the narrative 
of Sallust is here erroneous. According to Cicero, Catiline uttered 
a threat similar to that mentioned in the text, a few days before, 
when replying to Cato, who menaced him in the presence of the 
senate with a public trial. Cicero, moreover, (2 Cat. 6,) in giving 
an account to the people, on the following day, of what had passed 
in the senate when he openly charged Catiline with his guilt, states 
expressly that the latter, in spite of his boldness, did not dare to 
make any reply to his speech. We find the same remark also in 
the Orator, 37, 129. Florus and Valerius Maximus copy the error 
of Sallust. 

15. Parricidam. Catiline is here styled " a parricide," because 
plotting the destruction of his country, the common parent of all. 
Compare the language of Cicero, (21. Cat. 7,) " Te patria odit 
ac metuit, et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de parricidio suo cogi- 
tare." 

16. Incendium meum, &c. "I will extinguish with their ruin 
the conflagration which threatens me." A metaphor taken from the 
demolition of an edifice for the purpose of stopping a conflagration. 
The edifice in this case was his native country. 

17. Insidiae consuli. Some understand factae, but the ellipsis 
is unnecessary, as the dative depends at once upon the preceding 
noun. So, " Semen satui" {Cato. R. R. 5,) " Causa rebus crcan- 
dis" (Auson. Ephem.) "Rebus humanis praeses" {Senec. ad. 
Polyb. 31.) Compare also our author's own expression in this same 
chapter, " insidias consuli maturent." 



&52 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

Q5 18. Optumum factum credens. "Believing it his most advisable 
course." Some editions hzvefactu. 

19. Legiones scriberentur. Alluding to the forces which the 
praetors Pompeius Rufus and Metellus Celer had been authorized 
to raise. (Chapter 30.) 

20. Node intempesta. The night here alluded to was that which 
intervened between the 8th and 9th days of November. For an 
explanation of the phrase, vid. note 8, page 93. 

21. Cumpaucis. According to Plutarch, (Vit. Cic.) Catiline 
marched out with three hundred men well armed, and with the fas- 
ces and other ensigns of authority, as if he had been a lawful magis- 
trate. Appian states that he assumed on his route proconsular dig- 
nity : *0 piv Sr] paftSovs re teal TreXetceag, o)j ti$ di/fruTraroj, Kov<p(x)g fiaXa 
aviax 1 n P° tavrov. (Appian. Bell. Civ. 2, 3.) Dio Cassius makes 
him, after reaching Faesulae, to have taken the title and badges of 
consul. Kat Trpos Tas <&ai(rov\as eXdibv, t6v re TroXtpov avriKpvs aveiXcrOf 
koI to Svo^a K<xi rrjv anevfiv raw vzaroiv Xa/?t5i>, k. r. X. (DtO. Cass. 

37, 33.) 

22. Prope diem. l% Shortly." The more usual orthography is 
propediem, as one word. The accusative, according to the writers 
on ellipsis, depends on ad understood. (Palairefs Latin Ellipses, 
page 12.) The adverb prope is also not unfrequently joined to a 
dative. Thus Virg. Georg. 1, 355, " propius stabulis armettta 
tenerent." Nep. Hann. 8, "propius Tiberi" &c. 

QQ 1. Ex suo numero. The common text has legatos after these 
words ; but it is more elegantly understood. 

2. Cum mandatis. "With a message." Beauzee renders it, 
11 avec une sorte de manifeste." But Cortius more correctly makes 
the communication to have been a verbal one. 

3. Homini. "To any individual." Some editions, in place of 
homini, have aliis. 

4. Plerique patriae, &c. The student will observe the double 
construction in this passage, by which expert es is first joined with 
a genitive and immediately after with ablatives. This change of 
case is not unfrequent in Sallust. Thus, " Poenam sibi oneri, ?'m- 
p unitatem perdundaie republic ae fore.'' 1 (Cat. chap. 46.) " Ubi vidct 
neque per vim, neque insidiis opprimi posse." (Jug. chap. 7.) " Ple- 
rosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos accire." (Jug. chap. 84.) 
Compare Plautus, (Asin. 3, 2, 31.) " Ut meque, tequc, maxime, 
atque ingenio nostro decuit." 

5. Lege uti. " To avail himself of the benefit of the law." The 
law here alluded to is commonly called the Papirian, not because 
proposed by a magistrate of that name, as some imagine, but on 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 253 

Page, 
account of its having been occasioned by the conduct of a usurer Qg 
named Lucius Papirins. It was passed A. U. C. 428, and ordained 
that no person should be held in fetters or stocks, except convicted 
of a crime, and in order to punishment ; but that, for money due, the 
goods of the debtor, not his person, should be answerable. (Liv> 
8, 28.) Livy remarks of this law, that it broke one of the strongest 
bonds of credit. " Victum eo die, ob impotentem injuriam unius, 
ingens vinculum fidei." On this account, as may well be supposed, 
it was unfavourably received by the rich, and had to be re-enacted 
forty years afterwards, at the time of the secession to the Janiculum. 

6. Liberum corpus habere. The cruelty and oppression, which 
marked the conduct of the rich towards their unfortunate debtors, 
occasioned most, if not all, of the disturbances that interfered with 
the earlier growth of the Roman state. 

7. Praetoris. To the praetors belonged the general administra- 
tion of public justice. The city praetor {praetor urbanus) is here 
alluded to : he took cognizance of all litigations between citizens. 
The praetor peregrinus dispensed justice to foreigners at Rome, or 
to foreigners and citizens when involved in controversy. 

8. Major es vestrum. Almost all the manuscripts have vestri for 
vestrum; but, according to Aulus Gellius, (20, 6,) the oldest copies 
in his time exhibited vestrum. Correct Latinity requires this latter 
form in the present case. Nostri and vestri are used when the 
genitive denotes the object ; as amor nostri, cur a nostri, miserere 
nostri, &c, but nostrum and vestrum must be employed when the 
genitive indicates the subject ; as frequentia vestrum, contentio 
vestrum, &c. (Vid. Zumpt. L. G. p. 241.) 

9. Inopiae opitulati sunt. Alluding to the laws passed at various 
times for diminishing the rate of interest. 

10. Argentum aere solutum est. " Silver was paid with brass/' 
The allusion is to the Valerian Law, de quadrante, proposed by L. 
Valerius Flaccus, when consul, A. U. C. 667. By the provisions 
of this law, the fourth part only of the debt was paid, namely, an 
as for a sestertius, and a sestertius for a denarius ; or 25 for 100, 
and 250 for 1000. The sestertius was originally equal to two asses 
and a half ; and the denarius to ten ; when, however, the weight of 
the as was diminished to one ounce, a denarius passed for sixteen 

'asses, and a sestertius for four, which proportion continued when 
the as was reduced to half an ounce. Velleius Paterculus (2, 23,) 
speaks of the Valerian law above mentioned, in terms of merited 
reprobation. " Valerius Flaccus, turpissimae legis auctor, qua 
creditoribus quadrantem solvi jusserat." Montesquieu, on the other 
hand, praises this law. {V Esprit des Lois, 22, 22.) The error, 

24 



254 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Q@ into which he fell, of mistaking quadrans, in the text of Paterculus, 
as equivalent to usurae trientes, after being noticed and corrected 
by many of the learned, was finally removed from his w r ork. 

11. Secessit. Three secessions of the people are recorded in 
Roman history. The first took place A. U. C. 260, on account of 
the severity of creditors, and was made to the sacred mount. (Liv. 
2, 32.) The second was occasioned by the conduct of Appius 
Claudius, the decemvir, and was made first to the Aventine and 
afterwards to the sacred mount. (Liv. 3, 50.) It happened A. U. 
C. 305. The third was produced by the same cause as the first, 
and was made to the Janiculum, A. U. C. 466. (Liv. epit. lib. 11.) 

12. Nemo bonus. " No man of spirit." 

13. Amittit. " Parts with." The student will observe that perdit 
would change entirely the spirit of the passage. A mittere is simply 
" to lose the possession of a thing which one has once had." Per- 
dertj on the other hand, is " to lose," " destroy," or " throw away 
uselessly or hurtfully." Thus, in the treatise addressed to Heren- 
nius, (4, 44,) we have the following : " Quod mihi bene vxdetur 
Decius intellexissc, qui se devovisse dicitur, et pro legionibu-s in 
kostes intulisse mcdios ; unde amisit vitam, at 7ion perdidit." (Yid. 
Crombic's Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 98.) 

14. Quonam modo, &c. " In what way we may perish, after 
having most effectually avenged our blood ;" i. e. how we may sell 
our lives as dearly as possible. 

15. Marcius. The verb rcspondit is elegantly understood. Thus, 
Phaedrus, 1,25,8, "At -Me, facer cm meherculc, mm esse scircm 
carnis tc cupidum meac. y} (Vid. Poland's Latin Ellipses, p. 254.) 

16. Optumo cuiquc. " To each most eminent person." Optumo 
cuiquc is here equivalent to optimatibus singulis. From a com- 
parison of various passages in Cicero, it would appear that optimatcSj 
in that writer, denote " persons distinguished by rank or political 
merit," and sometimes the former only. Crombie's Gymnasium, 
vol. 2, p. 107. 

17. Non quo, &c. " Not that he was conscious to himself," <Scc. 
This use of non quo for ?wn quod has been very much disputed. 
H. Stephens (Schcdias77i. 2, 7,) and Laurentius Valla (Elcg. 2, 37.) 
particularly oppose it. Tursellinus, on the other hand, successfully 
defends its correctness, both from the language of manuscripts and 
the usage of the best writers. (Turs. dc Part. p. 494, ed. Lips. 
1769, and p. 240, ed. Bailey Lond. 1828.) It is, however, not to 
be denied, as Zumpt well observes, that it is safer in general to say 
non quod, non eo quod, non idco quod, non quoniam, &c. (Zumpt. 
L. G. p. 335.) 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 255 

Page. 

18. Ex sua contcntionc. " From any private quarrel of his." QQ 

19. Earum exemplum. " A copy of it." Of course we must 
regard the letter as genuine, and not the production of the historian. 

1. Q. Catulo S. The letter S is abbreviated from Salutem, 97 
which is governed by dicit understood. The whole expression in 
the text will be equivalent to " L Catiline greets Q. Catulus," or, 
" wishes him health." As regards the epistolary correspondence 
of the Romans, the following remarks may not be misplaced. If 
either of the parties was invested with an office, civil or military, it 
was usual to express it thus : " P. Serv. Rullus. Trib. pi. x. vir 
Pompeio Consult." When the person addressed was an intimate 
friend, they sometimes added the epithets " Humanissimus," 
" Optimus," " Suavissimus," and very frequently " Snus," as 
" Praetores Syracusani Marcello suo" The M Praeloquium" was 
sometimes conceived in the following terms : " Si vales, gaudeo ; 
ego valco" and frequently written in the initials only, S. V. G» E. 
V. or S V. B. E. E. V. that is, " Si vales, bene est, ego valeo." The 
letter frequently ended with the word " Vale," sometimes " Ave" 
or " Salve," to which, in some instances, was added the expression 
of endearment, " Mi anime." The place where the letter was 
written was subjoined, unless previously communicated. The date 
always expressed the day, frequently the year, and sometimes the 
hour. They used no signature, or subscription, unless when writ- 
ing to emperors. There was very rarely an inscription on the out* 
side, the letter being delivered to a letter-carrier, (Tabellarius,) who 
was made acquainted with the person for whom it was intended. 
The letter was tied round with a string, the knot of which was 
sealed. The seal was, generally, a head of the letter-writer, or of 
some of his ancestors, impressed on wax or chalk. Hence the 
phrases for " to open a letter," are "vinculum solvere," "incidere 
linum" u epistolam solvere." It was usual also for the bearer of 
the letter, before it was opened, to request the person to examine 
the seal, that he might be sure there was no imposture. Crombie's 
Gymnasium, vol. 1, p. 283. 

2. Egregia tua fides, &c. " Your distinguished integrity, known 
to me by experience, has given a pleasing confidence to my present 
recommendation," i. e. has inspired me w T ith a pleasing confidence 
in recommending my concerns to your care. 

3. Quamobrem dcfensionem, &c. Defensio is here opposed to 
satisf actio, and signifies a formal defence in the presence of one's 
enemies, while satisfactio denotes a general explanation, such as 
may satisfy a friend. The whole passage may hence be rendered 
35 follows : " Wherefore, as regards the novel step which I have 



256 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

QY taken, I have resolved not to prepare a formal defence of it against 
my enemies, but, without any consciousness of misconduct, have 
determined to lay before you such an explanation as may remove 
the doubts of a friend." The phrase " ex nulla conscientia de 
culpa," Burnouf considers a remnant of earlier Latinity, when the 
preposition, as in our modern tongues, was used to identify indi- 
vidual cases, de culpa being here equivalent to culpae. We doubt 
the correctness of this explanation. The preposition appears to be 
here used with the ablative for the purpose of expressing the 
slightest possible relation between conscientia and culpa in the mind 
of the writer. 

4. Quam. Referring to satisf actionem. 

5. Me dius fidius, &c. " Which, upon my honour as a man, 
you will find to be true." As regards the expression dirts fidius, 
Festus makes it the same as Aios filius, " the son of Jove," i. e. 
Hercules. He states, at the same time, two other explanations ; 
one, which makes it equivalent to divi fides, and the other to diei 
fides. All these etymologies are decidedly erroneous. A passage 
in Plautus, (Asin. 1, 1, 8,) furnishes a safer guide. It is as follows : 
"Per deum fidium quaeris ; jurato mthi video necesse esse eloqui, 
quidquid roges." From this passage we may fairly infer, that, in 
the phrase under consideration, dius is the same as detis or divus, 
&n& fidius an adjective formed from fides. Hence dius fidius, "the 
god of honour," or " good faith," will be the same as the Zcvj 
riartos of the Greeks ; and, if we follow the authority of Varro, (L. L. 
4, 10,) identical with the Sabine Sancus, and Roman Hercules : so 
that me dius fidius is nothing more than me dais fidei (i. e. Hercules) 
adjuvet, or, in other words, mehcrcule. 

6. Fructu laboris. Alluding to the consulship, which he had 
sought ineffectually. 

7. Statum dignitatis. "That station in the republic to which I 
was fairly entitled." Compare ch. 18, " Post paullo Caiilina, pecu- 
niarum rcpetundarum reus, prohibitus erat consulalum petere" &c. 

8. Mcis nominibus. " Of my own contracting." — Alienis nomi- 
nibus. " Contracted by others, and for which I had become surety." 
Among the Romans, it was a customary formality, in borrowing 
money, to write down the sum and subscribe the person's name in 
the banker's books. Hence nomen is put for a debt, for the cause 
of a debt, for an article of account, &c. 

9. Non dignos homines, &c. " Unworthy men graced with 
honour ;" i. e. raised to high preferment. 

10. Falsa suspicionc alieyiatum. " Alienated from public favour 
through groundless suspicion." 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 257 

Page. 

11. Hoc nomine, &c. " On this account I have pursued a course 0*7 
sufficiently honourable, considering my calamitous situation, and 
one which leads me to entertain the hope of preserving what con- 
sideration there is left me." 

12. Earn ab injuria defendas, &c. " Defend her from injury, 
being intreated so to do by the love you bear to your own off- 
spring." 

13. Haveto. An archaism for Aveto. Catullus uses this form 
(101, 10,) "Have atque Vale: 1 Compare Quintilian, 1, 6, 21, ed. 
Spalding. Winter's etymology of the word is extremely ingenious : 
" Have or Ave is nothing but Habe, have, possess — riches, honours, 
health." 

14. In agro Arretino. The common text has Reatino. As 
Reate, however, was a town of the Sabines, and as Catiline was 
proceeding along the Aurelian way, under the pretence of retiring to 
Massilia, but in reality to join Manlius, it is far preferable to adopt 
Arretino as the lection, Arretium (now Arezzo) being an ancient 
city of Etruria. 

15. Sine fraude. " With impunity," or " with the assurance of 
safety." Compare the words of Ulpian, {leg. 131, de V. S.) " Aliud 
fraus est, aliud poena. Fraus enim sine poena esse potest : poena 
sine fraude esse non potest. Poena est noxae vindicta; fraus et 
ipsa noxa dicitur, et quasi poenae quaedam p-aeparatio." 

] 6. Praeter condemnatis . In this clause, condemnatis 

depends on liceret, and praeter is used adverbially for praeterquam. 
The instances, however, of such a usage are not of very frequent 
occurrence. We have one in Justin, (13, 5,) " Alexander epistolas 
in Graeciam scripserat, quibus omnium civitatum exules, praeter 
caedis damnati, restituebantur." {Vid. Graev. ad loc.) Another 
example is found in Suetonius, though not so conclusive as the first : 
"reliquerit cum nullo, praeter auguralis sacerdotii, honore imperti- 
tum." {Claud. 4. — vol. 2, page 10. ed. Crus.) 

17. Duobis senati decretis. " Notwithstanding two decrees of 
the senate." Though two decrees of the senate had been made. 
There is here an ellipsis offactis. The first of these ordinances is 
mentioned in chapter 30. 

1. Tinta vis morbi, uti tabes-. " So violent a malady, like some 98 
corroding poison," &c. The distemper or malady, here alluded 

to, is the desire of a change, which influenced, at that period, the 
minds of so large a number, and produced a disaffection to the 
state. 

2. Aliena. " Alienated from the public welfare." — Omnino. "In 
general. "-~ii£ adeo. M This indeed," 

24* 



258 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Qg 3. Quis opes nullac sunt. " They, who have no resources of 
their own, look with an evil eye on the higher class of citizens, 
elevate to office those who are of the same stamp with themselves." 
Quis is put for quibus. By bonos are here meant, not the good and 
virtuous merely, but, generally speaking, the better class of citizens, 
who are always more or less averse to violent changes in the state, 
as well from principle, as from the danger which might result to 
their private affairs. By malos, on the other hand, are meant the 
needy and unprincipled. Compare Plautus, (Captiv. 3, 4, 51,) 
" Est miserorum ut malevolentes sint atqut invideant bonis." 

4. Turba. u By public disturbance." — Sine euro. u Without 
any apprehension for themselves." — Habetur. " Is kept," or 
" exists." The idea expressed in the text, when paraphrased, will 
be, " since poverty does not easily suffer loss." 

5. Plcbes. To be construed as the nominative absolute. Some edi- 
tions read a vcro, instead of ea vcro, removing at the same time the 
comma after plcbes, which of course alters the construction. This 
emendation, however, is far inferior to the reading in our text. From 
a view of the context it will appear, that Sallust first speaks of the 
people in general, the people of the whole empire, (cuncta plcbes 
omnino. ) He then particularizes the people of the capital, and remarks, 
that, with regard to them, there were other and more special reasons, 
the operation of which led thein to favour the designs of Catiline. 

6. Primum omnium. Opposed, not to item and postrcmo, in the 
same sentence, but to Dcindc, at the commencement of the 
next. 

7. Per dedecora. m By disgraceful 

8. Sicuti in SffSJmsm ''As into some impure receptacle." 
Scntina is properly the bottom of a ship, where the bilge-water 
collects. It is applied also by Cicero to the rabble, &c. 

9. Regio victu at que cultu. u With the luxurv and pomp of 
kings." 

10. Privatis atquc publicis larg-itiojiibus. The private largesses 
were bestowed either by the candidates for public favour, or by 
those who had already enjoyed it : the public have reference to the 
corn distributed among the lower orders at the expense of the state : 
five bushels monthly to each man. Compare Sallust. (Hist. frag. 
ed. Cart. p. 974.) " Qua tamen quints modiis Ubcrtatcm omnium 
acstumavcrej" &c, and also Suetonius, (Aug. 40, vol. 1, p. 274, ed. 
Cms.) 

11. Reipublicae juxta, &c. ''Showed no more regard to the 
public interest than to their own ;" i. e. were equally neglectful of 
their own and the public good. For this adverbial use of juzta, 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 259 

Page, 
compare chapter 61. " Ita cuncti suae atque hostium vitae juxta Qg 
pepercerant.* 1 

12. Jus liber tatis imminutum erat. Alluding to a law enacted 
by Sylla, when dictator, (Lex. Cornelia, A. U. C. 673,) which de- 
clared the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any- 
public office. Compare Velleius Paterculus, (2, 28,) u exclusique 
paterms opibus liberi" and Plutarch, (vit Syll.) o 61 navTuiv dSiKWTarov 
i6o%e : tcov -rrpoycypaftfxevcjv riTifiuxre xai vlovs <al vl(ovovg ical to. ^pr]fiara 
irdvTcjv ib(\\ttM(Tt. To the same effect are the words of Aemilius 
Lepidus, as given by Sallust, (Hist. frag. lib. 1, p. 936, ed. Cart.) 
About twenty years after this event, a powerful effort was made by 
the individuals who were suffering under the operation of this law, 
to have it repealed. Cicero was at that time consul, and by his 
strenuous exertions defeated the application. Of the oration de- 
livered by him on this occasion, (De proscriptorum liberis,) a 
solitary fragment is preserved by Quintilian, (11, 1,) " Quid enim 
crudelius quam homines honestis parentibus ac majoribus natos a 
republica submoveri 1 Sed ita legibus Syllae continetur status 
civitatis, ut, his solutis, stare ipsa non possit." (Cic. Op. ed 
Olivet, vol. 6, p. 479.) Cicero himself alludes to his conduct in 
this affair, in his oration against Piso, (chap. 2.) He allowed the 
claim to be perfectly reasonable, but argued against it on the ground 
of state-policy. Julius Caesar, however, subsequently abrogated 
this unjust ordinance. Thus Suetonius, (Jul. 41,) remarks, " Ad- 
misit ad honor es et proscriptorum liber os ;" and Plutarch, (Vit. 
Caes.) atpedelg 6e SiKraroyp vno rfjs (3ov\fjs t <f>vya$a$ re Karfiyaye, kou twv 
£7rt EvXXa 6v(TTV^rjadvroiv rovs iraiSas intTifiOVS siroinoe. Compare Dio. 
Cass. 41, 18, Sigon. ad Cic. I. c. Cms. ad Suet. I. c. 

13. Aliarum atque senati, &c. " Of a different party from that 
of the senate." 

14. Id adeo malum, &c. " With such violence had that evil, 
after many years of cessation, returned upon the state." Adeo 
appears to have, in this passage, the force of in tantum. (Compare 
Tursellin. de part. s. v.) Dureau de Lamalle gives it the same 
meaning : " Tant ces funestes rivalites, long-temps assoupies, 
s'etaient reveille cs avec plus de fureur que jamais !" 

15. Tribunicia potestas restituta. The tribunes of the commons 
were originally created A. U. C. 260, at the time of the secession 
to the sacred mount, for the purpose of protecting the rights of the 
people. Under the sanction, however, of the law which made their 
persons sacred, they subsequently carried their power to the most 
extravagant height. Sylla abridged, and in a manner extinguished, 
that power, by enacting, that whoever had been tribune should not 



260 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Qg afterwards enjoy any other magistracy ; that there should be no 
appeal to the tribunes ; that they should not be allowed to assemble 
the people and make harangues to them, nor propose laws, but 
should only retain the right of intercession. In the consulship of 
Cotta, however, (A. U. C. 679,) they again obtained the right of 
enjoying other offices ; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A. U. 
C. 683, all their former powers. Pompey 's conduct in this affair is 
very justly condemned by Cicero, since the tribunes now became 
mere tools in the hands of the ambitious and powerful. 

16. Summam potestatcm nacti. These words have very much 
the appearance of an interpolation. They are not necessary to the 
sense, since by summam. potestatcm is meant the tribunician power, 
which has already been mentioned in the preceding clause. 

9£) 1. Senati specie, &c. "Under the pretence of supporting the 
authority of the senate, but in reality for their own advancement." 

2. Honcstis nominibus. " Under fair pretexts." 

3. Nequc modestia ncque modus. u Neither moderation nor limit." 

4. Maritimum. The maritime war against the Cilicians, sup- 
ported by Mithridates, called also the piratical war. The Cilician 
pirates, covered even' sea with their fleets, and extended their dep- 
redations even to the coast of Italy and the mouth of the Tiber. 
Pompey was sent against them, by virtue of the Gabinian law, A. 
U. C. 687, and brought the war to a conclusion within the space of 
forty days. Compare Veil. Pat ere. 2, 31 ct 32 : Florus, 3, 6 : Cic. 
pro Legt Manil : Plut. Yit. Pomp. 

5. Mithndaticum. The war with Mithridates, king of Pontus, 
one of the ablest monarchs with whom the Romans ever had to con- 
tend. His character is briefly but ably drawn by Yflleius Pater- 
culus, (2, 18, 2,) " Yir nequc silcndus, ncque dicendus sine cura, 
bcllo accrrimus, virtutc cximius, aliquando fortuna, semper animo 
maximus, consiliis dux, miles man.u, odio in Romanos Hannibal."' 
Lucullus carried on the war against him for nearly seven years, at 
the expiration of which period he was recalled by the senate, and 
Pompey, who had just ended the piratical war, was, by the Manilian 
Law, sent against Mithrul 

6. Plebis opes imminutae. The authority of the people was 
weakened by the high powers delegated to a single individual, 
Pompey. 

7. Innoxii. The adjective is here used passively, M unhurt." or, 
less literally, " free from all danger of attack." Compare Luc an, 
(9, 894.) 

8. Ccteros judiciis t err ere. u They alarmed the rest by tho 
rigour of their judicial investigations," 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 261 

Page. 

9. Placidius. "More peaceably." The meaning of the clause 99 
is, that those who rilled offices of magistracy, especially the tri- 
buneship, might be less disposed to stir up commotions among 

the people, through dread of prosecution by the nobility, after the 
expiration of their offices. 

10. Ubi primum, &c. Gruter suggests novandi, which Cortius 
acknowledges would make an easier construction, though it would 
be less in accordance with the style of Sallust, than the present 
reading novandis. Some editions adopt Grater's suggestion of 
novandi, and place a comma after primum, and another after rebus. 
We have given the reading of Cortius, which may be rendered as 
follows : "As soon as the hope was presented to their view of 
effecting some change in the adverse condition of their affairs." 

11. Vetus certamen. " The old controversy,*' i. e. between the 
patricians and plebeians. — Eorum. Referring to the plebeians. 

12. Aequo, manu, &c. " Had left the field on equal terms with 
the forces of the republic." 

13. Exsanguibus. " Completely exhausted." Compare Cicero, 
{pro Scxt. 10,) " Hominibus enerxatis atquc exsanguibus consu- 
lates datus est.'' 1 

14. Extra conjurationem. " Unconnected with the conspiracy." 

15. A. Fulvius. As Valerius Maximus, (5, 8, 5,) in mentioning 
this same circumstance, calls the name of the father A. Fulvius, 
Cortius thinks it probable that Sallust wrote A. Fulvii senatoris 

Jilius. Dio Cassius (37, 36) incorrectly makes the son himself a 
senator : ' AvAov SI ^ouA/ftioi/, avSpa fiov\cvTi]v } avros b izarfip d-rreff^a^ev, 
(Fid. Beimar. ad he.) 

16. Parens necari jussit. Fathers, among the Romans, had the 
power of life and death over their children. Hence a father is called 
a domestic judge or magistrate, by Seneca ; and a censor of his 
son, by Suetonius, (Vit. Claud. 16.) Valerius Maximus, (1. c.) in 
relating this affair of the punishment of Fulvius, adds, that the 
father told the son he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his 
country, but for i^is country against Catiline. " Non se Catilinae 
ilium adversus patriam, sed patriae, adversus Catilinam, genuisse.'* 

17. Ncgotiatus. Understand erat. " Had traded." For the 
difference between the Roman uegotiatores and mercatores, consult 
note 7, page 44. 

18. Pnncipibus. " Leading men." — Noverat. Noscere is " to 
know," or " to be acquainted with any thing as an object of per- 
ception;" "to have an idea" or "notion of it, as apprehended by 
the mind." Scire is " to know any thing as a matter of fact, or 
any truth as an object of conviction." The following examples will 



262 NOTES TO THE 

Page. jg\ 

QCJ explain this difference more fully : " Hominem novi, et dominus qui 
nunc est scio." (Plant. Rud. 4, 3, 26,) "I am acquainted with 
the man, and I know who his master is." The latter clause, how 
ever, does not imply any personal knowledge of the master. He 
might know him only by name. " Non norunt, scio.'' 1 (Plaut. Cos. 
Prol.) " They are not acquainted with the play," not having seen 
it performed — " this circumstance I know." (Crombie's Gymna- 
sium, vol. 1, p. 82.) 

19. Pcrcunctatus. Percunctari (or percontari) means " to sift 
to the bottom by search or inquiry," M tD pry," and has, according 
to Dumesnil, a relation very often to public news. It is derived 
probably from per and contus, (quasi per contum exquirere,) and ex- 
presses a sifting and inquisitive manner of asking. Percunctari, 
moreover, answers to the Greek TrwddveaBat, and always requires a 
detailed reply. 
100 I* Videt. This verb is here used instead of audit. Compare 

Cicero, {pro Arch. 8,) " Quoties ego hunc Archiam vidi 

dicer e ex tempore." 

2. Si modo, &c. " Provided only you are inclined to act the 
part of men. 91 

3. Quin. In the sense of quod non, which is the reading of some 
editions. 

4. Ab Roma aberat. This is one of the examples which Priscian 
adduces, for the purpose of showing, that the preposition is often, 
more especially by historians, added to the ablative of names of 
places. 

5. Quo major auctoritas, &c. " That what he should say might 
have greater weight." 

6. Innoxios. " Innocent persons ;" i. e. individuals unconnected 
with the conspiracy. The adjective is here used in what the gram- 
marians call an active sense. Compare note 7, page 99. — Quo 
legatis animus amplior esset. " That the ambassadors might be 
inspired with more courage to act." 

7. Majorca opes. " More powerful resource^;" those namely 
of the republic. Dureau de Lamalle renders the phrase by H uno 
grande masse de puissance." 

8. Patrocinio. Individual noblemen, or particular families of 
illustrious rank, were sometimes patrons of whole states. These 
patrons were generally those who had reduced them under the Ro- 
man power, or had, at some time or other, been appointed governors 
over them : and the rights of patronage were transmitted by them to 
their descendants. In the present instance, Q. Fabius Sanga derived 
his right of patronage from his ancestor Q. Fabius Maximus, who 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 263 

Page, 
finally reduced the Allobroges, and hence was surnamed Allobro- 1 00 
gicus. 

9. Consilio cognito. " Having learned the plot." — Studium con- 
jurationis, &c. " To feign a strong desire for the success of the 
conspiracy." 

10. Bene polliceantur. " To promise fair." Bene is here equiv- 
alent to bona quaeque. 

11. Gallia citeriore. Hither or Cisalpine Gaul, lying south of 
the Alps, and forming the northern division of Italy. The term 
citerior is applied in reference to Rome. 

12. Cuncta simul agcre. " Put all their schemes in operation at 
one and the same moment." Cortius wishes to exclude cuncta simul 
from the text, in opposition to all the manuscripts. 

13. Festinando, agitando omnia. " By their precipitate move- 
ments, by their throwing all things into confusion." 

1. C. Murena. Brother of Licinius Murena, consul elect. The iai 
common reading in citeriore Gallia has been amended by Cortius, 

and in ultcriorc Gallia substituted. There can be no doubt what- 
ever as to the correctness of this alteration. Celer was in hither 
Gaul, and Murena, as appears plainly from Cicero, {pro Murena, 41,) 
was in Transalpine or farther Gaul. 

2. Legatus. A proconsul or propraetor chose a legatus to ac- 
company him to his province, and assist him in the discharge of his 
public duties. Thus Cicero, for example, when he went as pro- 
consul into Cilicia, A. U. C 702, chose for his legatus his brother 
Quintus. In the absence of the governor of the province, the 
legatus exercised full control over it, and had equal authority and 
jurisdiction. Sometimes the governor remained at home, and 
merely sent out the legatus to the province ; and at other times 
the senate, without naming any proconsul or propraetor, merely 
sent, out a legatus. This last was the case with C Murena. 

3. Vidcbantur. Understand iliac, referring to copiae. 

4. Conscitucrant. The verb is put in the plural, as if Lent ulus 
cum ceteris were a double nominative. 

5. Actionibus. " The proceedings," " the acts." Alluding to 
Cicero's having driven Catiline from the city, and excited, as they 
maintained, the most groundless suspicions against many innocent 
individuals. Compare Appian, (B. C. 2, 3,) Acvkiov Si Bio-nap, 
rdv dfifjtapxov, tKK\r\aiav evOvs wo Kripv^i evvayeiv, koX KarrjyopeXv tov 
K.iKepo)vos, wj del Sei\ov *ai roA^toTrotou, *rat rfjv ir6\iv iv ovScvi 6tivu> 
SiarapdrrovTos. Plutarch informs us, (Vit. Cit. 23. vol. 5, page 336. 
ed. Hutten,) that, after the conspiracy had been completely crushed, 
the tribunes, Metellus and Bestia, having entered upon their office 



264 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

101 a ^ ew ^ s De f° re that of Cicero expired, would not suffer him to 
address the people. They placed their own benches on the rostra, 
and only gave him permission to take the oath upon laying 
down his office, after which he was immediately to descend. Ac- 
cordingly, when Cicero went up, it was expected that he would 
take the customary oath ; but, silence being made, instead of the 
usual form, he adopted one that was new and singular. The pur- 
port of it was, that " He had saved his country, and preserved the 
empire :" (»] p/v ocouiKtvat rfjv Trarp'tda, ical 6iartrriprjKivat. rfjv t)yc^oviav.) 
and all the people joined in it. 

6. Invidiam. u The blame." — Optumo commit. Some have 
regarded this expression on the part of the historian as extremely 
honourable, considering the private feud which existed between him 
and Cicero. We should be inclined to put a different construction 
upon it. Nothing appears to us more frigid than this language of 
Sallust respecting one who had been the preserver of his country. 
And that it would sound so in fact to a Roman ear, may be c! 
inferred from a passage in one of the letters of Cicero to Atticus, 
(12, 21.) in which he speaks of Brutus having applied this same 
expression to him : "Hie autcm se cliam tnbuere multum mihi 
putatj quod scripscrit optimum consulcm. Quis cnim jejumus dint 
iniminis f" 

7. Proruma noctc. Plutarch states, that one of the nights of the 
Saturnalia had been fixed for the perpetration of the horrid d 
mentioned in the text. The I of Cicero is to the same 
effect, (3, in CaL 4 ) The celebration of the Saturnalia commenced 
on the 17th day of December, so that Bestia was to have delivered 
his intended harangue a few days after he had entered upon his 
office, which, in the case of the tribunes, was the 10th of the same 
month. On the 5th of December, however, the conspirators were 
put to death. 

8. Duodecim simul opportuna, cVc. Plutarch's statement differs 
from that of Sallust. He informs us that the conspirators had 
divided Rome into a hundred parts, and selected the same number 
of men, to each of whom was allotted his quarter to be set on fire. 
As this was to be done by them all at the same moment, they 
hoped that the conflagration would be general. Other- 
intercept the water, and kill all that went to seek it. 

9. Obsideret. " Should beset." A verb of the third conjuga- 
tion, obsido, ere. 

10. Alius autem alium. Understand adcrredcretur. u That one 
should attack one, another attack another :'' i. e. that each should 
single out his victim. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 265 

Page. 

11. Filii familiarum. To these Cicero is thought to allude, 101 
(2, in Cat. 3,) " Hos, quos video volitare inforo, quos stare ad 
curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire, qui niteni unguentis, qui 
fulgent purpura" &c. 

12. Parata. Plutarch states, that Caius Sulpicius, one of the 
praetors, who had been sent to Cethegus's house, found there a 
large quantity of javelins, swords, poniards, and other arms, all newly- 
furbished. 

13. Dies prdatando, " By putting off the day of execution." 

14. Convemunt. u Obtain an interview with." The following 
examples, with reference to the construction of convenio, may not 
be misplaced. Convenire in urbem. " To come into the city and 
assemble." Convenire in urbe. u To assemble in the city, having 
been there before." Convenire aliquem. " To speak to anyone," 
or M to have an interview with him." Convenit hoc mihi. "This 
suits me," or, " is convenient to me." Convenit mihi cum illo. " I 
agree with him." 

15. Jusjurandum. " An oath :" i. e. a written promise in the 
language and form of an oath, that the conspirators would afford 
relief to the Allobroges, if the latter joined in the plot and it should 
prove successful. 

16. Signatum. " With their respective seals affixed." 

17. Cctcri nihil suspicantes dant. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 
5,) M Tabulae proferri jussimus, quae a quoquc dicebantur datae. 
Primum ostendimus Cethego ; signum cognovit." 

18. Crotonicnscm. " A native of Crotona." Consult Geographi- 
cal Index. 

19. Fac cogites, &c. " See that you reflect in how desperate a 
situation you are." 

1. Tuae rationes. u Your present circumstances." 102 

2. Etiam ab infimis. From what follows (quo consilio servitia 
rcpudici) it is evident that by infimi, " persons of the lowest condi- 
tion," are meant the slaves. As regards the language of this letter, 
it may not be amiss to state that Cicero gives it somewhat differ- 
ently, (3, in Cat. 5.) It is more than probable, however, that the 
orator merely stated the purport of it from memory, while Sallust 
had access to the original among the archives of the state : for the 
words of the historian (quarum cxcmplum infra scriptum) plainly 
show that we have here a copy of the original document. 

3. Mandata verbis dot. " He gives him a verbal message." 

4. Muhio. Now Pontc Molle, one of the bridges over the Tiber. 
It was built by M. Aemilius Scaurus, from a corruption of whose 
nomen, (Aemilius,) the appellation Mulvius is thought to have ori- 

25 



266 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

102 g mate( *- At this bridge commenced the Via Flamima which led 
from Rome to Ariminum. 

5. Comitatus. " The retinue." 

6. Cetera, uti facto, &c. "He authorises them to execute the 
rest of the affair in such a way as the occasion may require." 

7. Homines militarcs. Understand practorcs. " The praetors, 
men of military experience." 

8. Pracsidiis collocatis. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 2,) " IUi 

autcm cum adccspcrasceret, occulte ad pontem 

Mulvium pcrvenerunt, atquc ibi in proiinus villis ita bipartito fut- 
runt, ut Tiber is niter cos ct pons inter esse t. Eodcm autcm it ipsi f 
sine cujusquam suspiewne, multos fortes viros cduicrunt, et ego ex 
praefectura Rcatina complurcs dclcctos adolesccntcs, quorum opera 
in republica assiduc utor praesidio cum gladiis mistr 

9. Cito cogmto cnnsilio. The Bipont edition omits cito, and 
Gruter all three words. They are retained, however, and on good 
grounds, by Cortius, Burnouf, Planche, &c. Gruter thinks, that, 
as the Gauls informed the consul of the nirrht when they were to 
set out, they must of course have known that they would be arrested. 
This may all very well t>« thfl presence of cito in the text, 
as well as of cognito consilw, is perfectly proper. The Gauls in an 
instant understood the nature of the affair, beintr previous; !v con- 
vinced that an arrest would take place. Had Sallust, more* 
only wri the inquiry would naturallv be made 
by the reuuYr, whether the consul's plan was then for the first time 
discovered by them, or whether they had surmised what it would be, 
long before it was carried into execution. 

10. Multa. M 1 

11. Qiubus rebus conftctis, cVc. The night of the arrest was 
that of the 2d December. 

12. Sibi often. "A source of odium against himself." This 
apprehension vsas fully verified by the result. The preserver of his 
country was driven into exile by the faction of Clodius. Compare 
Cic. dc Orat 1, 1, M Et hoc tempus omnc post consulatum ol 
mus its fluctibus qui, per nos a communi peste dcpulsi, in nosmet- 
ipsos redundant w/." 

13. Perdundae reiyublicae. " A cause of ruin to the republic." 
Compare note 11, | 

14. Cimcordiae. The temple here meant stood on that side of 
the Capitoline hill which faced the Forum. It was erected bv 
Camillus, in accordance with a vow, on account of the re-establish- 
ment of harmony between the senate and people. L. Opimius 
embellished it after the death of Caius Gracchus, and meetings of 



, &c. u What design he had in view, -■ nn 
design." Equivalent to " Quid con- 



COXSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 267 

Page, 
the senate were frequently held within its walls. Some few columns 1 02 
still remain. 

15. Magiiaque frequcntia, &c. " And in a very full meeting of 
that order,'' or M in a very full house." 

16. Yolturcium cum legatts introducit. Cicero states, (3, in 
Cat. 4,) that he first introduced Volturcius without the Gauls, and 
afterwards brought in the Gauls themselves. 

17. Scnntum cum liltcris. u The box containing the letters.'* 
It will be recollected that the box contained the letter of Lentulus 
to Catiline, and also the written oath of the conspirators. 

1. Quid, aut qua dc caussa, &c. 
or why he entertained such a i 
silii, aut qua dc caussa id consilit habuisset !" 

2. Alia. " Things other than the truth." — Fide pubhea. "On 
the public faith being pledged for his safety." 

3. Audirc. Compare Cicero, (3, in Cat. 4,) who fully confirms 
the account here given by Sallust. 

4. Libris Sibyllinis. A certain woman, named Amalthaea, from 
a foreign country, offered for sale to Tarquinius Superbus, the last 
king of ELooh •. nine books of the Sibylline, or prophetic oracles, but 
at an exorbitant price ; which Tarquin refusing, she burnt three of 
them, still demanding the same price for the remaining six. Being 
ridiculed by the king, she burnt three more, without abating her 
price for the r three. Tarquin, surprised at her strange 
conduct, consulted the augurs, who, regretting the loss of the books 
which had been burnt, advised the king to pay her demand, on de- 
livery of the three remaining books. Two persons at first, then ten, 
afterwards fifteen, were appointed to take charge of these books, 
hence called Quindccimvui. These books were supposed to contain 
the fate of the republic, and in time of public danger or calamity 
were consulted by order of the senate. They of course became a 
very useful engine of state ; but were burnt in the Marsic war, A. 
I' C. 690. Ambassadors were sent every where to collect the 
oracles of the Sibyls, of whom there were several ; the chief of them 
was the Sibyl of Cumae. From the verses collected in this search, 
the Quindecimviri compiled new books, which, by order of Augustus, 
were deposited in two gilt cases under the base of Apollo's statue, 
in his temple on the Palatine hill. For more information relative to 
the Sibyls, vid. Lempriere's Classical Dictionary. 

5. Tribus Corneliis. " To three of the Cornelian house." The 
gens Cornelia was among the most illustrious at Rome. It had a 
patrician and plebeian branch. The familiae included under it were 
the Maluginenscs, Scipiones, Sullae, Lentuli, Cinnae, Rufini, &c, 



268 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

103 ^ Antea. Understand fuissc, or else regnum habuisst. 

7. Urlns potiri. The verb potiri, which elsewhere governs an 
ablative, is often, as in the present instance, used with a genitive. 
This government, however, admits of a very easy explanation, if we 
consider that potiri is m fact equivalent to potcns esse or poterUem 
esse. In Plautus we even find the active of this verb. (Amph. I, 

1, 23,) " Qui fucrim liber, eum nunc potimt pater servitutis ;" i. e. 
"has put in ft] has made partaker of slavery;" thence 
potior is used passively ; e. g. " potitus est hostium," (tbtd. Capt. 1, 

2, 41,) " he i^ by the enemy, n M is in the enemy's pov. 

8. Inccnso Capitolio. The Capitol was thrice destroyed by tire. 
First, during the troubles occasioned by the contest between Sylla 
and Marius, A I '. (' t>70, alter which it was rebuilt by Sylla, and 
dedicated by Catulus. It is to this burning that the text refers. It 

M a second tunc- destroyed, A 1) 70, by the soldiers of Vitellius. 
The emperor Veep !t it, and at his death it was bur 

third time. Domitian restored it with greater magnificence than 

( J Han/.sjnrts. The haruspices were those who examined the 
victims and their entrails after »nd from thes© 

mens of fill I divine also from the 

Man. circumstances attending the sacrifice. Do- 

is (in Tcr. Phorm. 4,4, 28) derives the name from karuga, 
M a victim," observing, " nam haruga dtcttur hostia, ab hara in qua 
eoncluUitur et scrvatur : hara autcm est, in qua pecora includuntur.'* 
Compan B in Cat. 8,) in relation to what is stated in the 

" Quo a u idem tempore, cum haruspices ex tota Etruna con* 
venisscnt, caedes atque inccmlia. et legum intent um, et bcllum • 
ac domesttcum, et tolius urlns atqut imperii occasum approptnquare 
ducrunt, nisi dii imtnortales omni ratxonc placati suonumine prope 
fata ipsa jlcussent" The orator adds, that games were in conse- 
quence celebrated lor ten days, and even- other formality obst 
for appeasi rath of the g 

10. Abdicatus. Others read abdicate magistratu : both forms 
in accordance with the idiom of the language, only the former, 

which is that adopted by Cortius, shows more plainly that his d 
taken from Lcntulus, not voluntarily resigned by him. 

11. / mivalent to our 
phrase, of " being held to bail." This was done either when the 
accused were persons of rank, or when they were manv in nu: 

and were separated so as to prevent any communication with one 
another. 

1*3. Aedilis. The aediles were of two kinds, plebeian and 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 269 

Page 
curule. Two plebeian aediles were first created, A. U. C. 260, in 103 

the Comitia Curiata, at the same time with the tribunes of the 
commons, to be, as it were, their assistants, and to determine cer- 
tain minor causes, which the tribunes committed to them. The 
were afterwards created, as the other inferior magistrates, at tho 
Comitia Tributa. Two curule aediles were created from the 
patricians, A. U. C. 387, to perform certain public games. They 
were first chosen alternately from the patricians and plebeians, but 
afterwards promiscuously from both. They wore the toga practexta, 
had the right of images, and a more honourable place of giving their 
opinion in the senate. They also used the sella curulis, whence 
their name of curule aediles. As a counterbalance for all this, 
however, the persons of the plebeian aediles were sacred, like those 
of the tribunes. The general office of the aediles was to take care 
of the city, (hence their name a cura aedium,) to regulate the 
markets, inspect the weights and measures, &c. 

13. C. Cacsari. The famous Julius Caesar, who was at this 
time praetor elect. It was excellent policy to entrust some of the 
conspirators to the care of Caesar and Crassus, who were suspected 
of being themselves concerned in the plot. By pretending to re- 
gard them as good and faithful citizens, the senate drove them to 
the necessity of assuming that character at least. 

14. Cn. Tcrc/itio. He was praetor the year following. 

15. Cicerone m ad coelum tollerc. Cicero, on leaving the senate, 
although it was towards the close of the day, delivered before the 
assembled people the oration which has come down to us as the 
third inline. In this he gave an account of the arrest of the 
Allobroges, and the transactions in the senate. The people then 
perceived the full extent of the danger from which they had just been 

mce of then* consul, and gave him 
the full meed of applause which he so richly deserved. 

16. Dctrimento. Understand fore sibi. 

17. Incetulium vcro enuiele, &c. ■' But they thought the burn- 
ing of the city a cruel measure, exceeding all bounds," &c. 

18. Quippe cui omnes copiac, &c. " Since all their property 
consisted of articles in daily use, and of clothing for their persons." 

1. Qui Catilinae nunciarct. " To tell Catiline. '' Qui is here AQA 
used for ut ille r and consequently takes the subjunctive mood. 

2. Nc Lentulus, ckc. Literally, ''that Lentulus, Cethegus, and 
others connected with the conspiracy, being arrested, should not 
alarm him ;" i. e. " not to be alarmed at the arrest of Lentulus, 
Cethegus, and others of the conspirators." 

3. Animos reficeret. " Might reanimate the courage." 

25 



270 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

JQ4 4. Alii, rem incredibilcm rah. M Some, because they thought 
the thing incredible." 

5. Quia tali tempore, &c. M Because, at such a crisis, a man 
of so much power seemed proper to be soothed rather than irri- 
tated." 

6. Obnoxii. " Under obligations to." Cortius correctly remarks, 
that plerique, in tins clause, denotes a third class of persons, distinct 
from those to whom alii and pars respectively refer. — The great 
wealth of Crassus, and the numerous loans which it enabled him to 
make, had given him the most extensive private influence of any 
individual of the day. 

7. Uti referatur. Understand ad St. " That they should be 
consulted," or " that their opinion be taken." 

8. Vinculis. " Prison." Vinculum, in the singular, any bond 
or tie ; in the plural, very frequently a prison, confinement, &c. 

9. Potcstn lerstand indicandi. M Permission to go on 
with his testimony." The refusal, on the part of the senate, to 
listen to his farther statements, was a virtual revoking of the pledge 
of impunity which they had previously granted him. 

10. M ;ronoun Qui is uniformly joined to the 
subjunctive mood, when the !,iuse does not express any 
sentiment of tho author, but refers it to the person or persons of 
whom he is speaking. rsset here implies the senate's 
affirmation, that Tarquinius had told a falsehood, and not the histo- 
rian's. The whole doctrine of the use of the relative with the sub- 
junctive, will be found clearly and ably developed in Crombic's 
Gymnasium, vol. 2, p. 1, et seqq. 

11. Quo facilius, 6lc. u In order that, Crassus being named as 
an accomplice, his | .t the mora toet the res- 

his being made to share the danger with tin 

12. Immissum. " hu 

13. More suo. Plutarch it when Pompev, Caesar, 
and Cicero lefiMtd to speak at the bar, Crassus often rose and 
finished the argument in favour of the defendant ; and that this 
promptness of his to unfortunate citizen, gained him g 
popularity. Ha farther informs us. that there was not a Roman, 
however mean and insignificant, whom he did not salute, or whose 
salutation he did not return by name. ( Vit. Crass. 3, ed. Hutten 
vol. 3, p. 405.) 

14. Pracdicantenu "Openly declaring."— Impositam. "Had 
been offered." Plutarch informs us, that Crassus. after this affair, 
conceived a mortal hatred towards Cicero, and would have shown 
it by some act of violence, had not his son Publius prevented him. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 271 

Page. 
Publius was a man of letters, and particularly fond of eloquence, 1 QA 
and hence his strong attachment to Cicero.'' (Vit. Crass. 13, ed. 
Hutten, vol. 3, p. 421.) 

15. Prctio. " By the offer of a bribe." 

16. Xominaretur. " Should be named as an accomplice. " 
Suetonius (Vit. Cats. 17) informs us, that Caesar was named as 
an accomplice the year after, by Curius in the senate, and by L. 
Vettius before Novius Nigrus the quaestor, (or, perhaps, public 
commissioner, if the true reading be quaesitorem, and not quaesto- 
rem, in the text of Suetonius.) Both accusations were dismissed. 

17. Obpugnatus, &c. "Having been prosecuted by him in an 
action for extortion. " 

18. Transpadani. The term Transpadanus is here used with 
reference to Rome : cujusdam Transpadani, " of a certain indi- 
vidual who dwelt beyond the Po," or, " north of the Po." 

19. Ex petitione pontificatus. " Ever since the time of his ap- 
plication for the high-priesthood. " Plutarch, in his life of Caesar, 
informs us, that when Metellu3, the chief pontiff, died, the office 
was solicited by Isauricus and Catulus, two of the most illustrious 
men in the city, and of the greatest interest in the senate. Caesar, 

id not shrink from the contest, but presented himself 
to the people as a candidate. The pretensions and prospects of the 
competitors seemed nearly equal ; and Catulus, who, on account of 
his superior dignitv, was most uneasy about the event, sent privately 
to Caesar, and offered him lame RIIB0, on condition that he would 
desist from his high pursuit. But he answered, " He would rather 
borrow still larger sums, to enable him to stand the struggle." 
(jr>ci'u> irpoctavciffdfjicvoi c<pn ttiayuvuiaQai.) When the day of election 
came, Caesar's mother attending him to the door with her eyes 
bathed in tears, he embraced her and said, M My dear mother, you 
will see me this day either chief pontiff, or an exile." ("*£ ^rcp, 
rfipcpov ?/ ap^ttpta rdv vIoi-, n <pvyu6u oxla.) There never was any 
thing, adds Plutarch, more strongly contested ; the suffrages, how- 
ever, gave it to Caesar. (Fit. Cacs. 7, ed. Hutten. vol. 4, p. 365.) 

20. Adolcscentulo. " A mere youth when compared with him- 
self." As Caesar was at this time thirty-seven years of age, it is 
evident the term adolcsccntulus is merely applied to him compara- 
tively, in reference to the advanced age of Catulus. 

21. Res autem, &c. "The opportunity moreover appeared a 
favourable one." 

22. Publice maxumis muneribus. u By the very splendid shows 
which he publicly exhibited." As aedile, Caesar not only exhibited 
three hundred and twenty pair of gladiators, but in the other diver- 



272 NOTES TO THE 

Tage. 

104 S10ns a ^ so °f the theatre, in the processions and public entertain- 
ments, he far outshone the most ambitious that had gone before 

him. Suetonius even states, that the number of gladiators just 
mentioned was less than he had originally intended, owing to the 
envy and opposition of his enemies. Caesar is said by Plutarch to 
have been thirteen hundred talents in debt before he obtained any 
public employment. This would amount in sterling money to 
£251,875. When he set out for Spain, after his praetorship, he is 
reported to have said that he was one hundred million of sesterces 
(£807,291 : 13 : 4) worse than nothing, (in Scotro ita-^tUuv rat 
TttvTaKoaiwv pvpiaSuii'.) Appiatij B. C. 2, 8, where we must under- 
stand SpaxptZv, i. e. dcnanorum, and render the amount into Latin 
by Millies H. S. and not with Candidus, whom Adam follows, by 
Bis Millies ct quinsrenties. (Compare Gronov. de Sestertiis, &c, 
lib. 3, cap. 16, p. 245. Schveighaeuser ad Appian. I. c.) When 
Caesar first entered Rome, in the beginning of the civil war, he took 
out of the treasury, according to Pliny, (H. N. 33, 3.) £1,095,979, 
and brought into it, at the end of the civil war, above £4,843,750. 
(•' amplius scries millics" Yell. Pat. 2, 56.) He is said to have 
purchased the friendship of Curio, at the beginning of the civil war, 
by a bribe of £484,373, and that of the consul, L Paulus, the col- 
league of Marcellus. A V. C 704, by about £279,500. 

105 *• rtmemriJMf. fTufaHliml iirfnw Compare Terence, (Adelph. 
4, 2, 43,) " Ubi ad Dxanae rencris." 

I Animi nobi! a generous impulse," or " by patriotic 

feelings " Some editions have animi mobilitatc, but this does not 
harmonize with what immediately follows : "quostudmm suum," eVc. 

3. Cacsari. Plutarch gives a more detailed account of this same 
affair: " As Caesar was going out of the senate," observes this 
biographer, " several of the young men who guarded Cicero's person 
ran up to the former with their drawn swords, but Curio (we are 
told) covered him with his gown, and so carried him off; and Cicero 
himself, when the young men looked at him for a nod of consent, 
refused it, either out of fear of the people, or because he thought 
such an assassination unlawful and unjust. If this was true." con- 
tinues Plutarch, M I know not why Cicero did not mention it in the 
history of his consulship. He was subsequently blamed, how* 
for not having availed himself of so good an opportunity as he then 
had, and for having been influenced by his fears of the people, who 
were indeed strongly attached to Caesar ; for, a few days afterw 
when Caesar entered the senate, and endeavoured to clear Um 
from the suspicions entertained of him, his defence was received 
with indignation and loud reproaches ; and as they sat longer than 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILIXE. 273 

Page. 
usual, the people beset the house, and with violent outcries do- J 05 
manded Caesar, absolutely insisting on his being dismissed in 
safety.*' {Vit. Cues. 8, ed. Hutten. vol. 4, p. 367.) Suetonius 
(Vit. Caes. 14) informs us, that some of the knights threatened 
Caesar as he sat in the senate-house. It is probable that he and 
Sallust allude to different meetings. 

4. Mimtarcntur. The frequentative appears to be used in this 
passage, not so much for the sake of better sound, as in order to 
express the idea of a frequent brandishing of the sword, though it 
cannot be well conveyed in an English translation. 

5. Libcrti. The Romans used the term libcrtus when they spoke 
of the master ; as, libcrtus Lentuli ; but Ubcrtinus, in relation to 
free-born citizens, as, Ubcrtinus homo, i. e. non inoenuus. 

6. Yicis. 4i The streets." Vicus, properly speaking, refers to 
the appearance presented by the buildings in a street ; a row of 
houses resembling, as it were, a single and extensive edifice. 
(o?<oc, and, with the digamma, FoiVo*, whence vicus.) The term is 
used here, however, in the sense of via. 

7. Eripicndum. Understand c custodia. Cicero (4, in Cat. 8) 
states, that none were found who would engage in such an attempt. 
Appian, however, informs us, that on the nones of December, while 
the senate were deliberating about the punishment of the conspira- 
tors, the slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and Cethegus, and a 
large body of working people, assailed the habitations of the praetors 
in the rear, and endeavoured to rescue the prisoners. Cicero, upon 
learning this, immediately left the senate, and planted guards in 
suitable quarters of the city, after which he returned and expedited 
the debate. (Appian, B. C. 2, 5.) 

8. Duces mv.ltitudinum. <% The leaders of the mob." The want 
of trades and manufactures, which the Romans considered as em- 
ployments unworthy of freemen, left the great body of the inhabi- 
tants of Rome in a state of poverty and idleness, and ready for any 
desperate enterprise, to which they might be stimulated by artful 
demagogues. 

9. FamiUam. Familia here denotes the " slaves" belonging to 
a familv. This is the original signification of the word. It comes 
from famulus, " a servant," and this last from the old Oscan term 
famul, of the same import. 

10. Rcfcrt, &c. Literally, " Refers it to them, what it may please 
them be done to those," &c.; i. e. "Consults their pleasure with 
respect to those," &c. 

11. Scd eos, paullo ante, &c. "Now a crowded house had, 
a few days previous, declared them to have acted as enemies tQ 



274 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

105 ^eir countr y-" This ^ orm of words, (contra rempublicam fecissc,) 
was always used against those who had been guilty of any treason- 
able or seditious conduct, and in cases where capital punishment 
most commonly ensued. Compare Cicero, pro MUone, 5 et 6. 

12. Turn D. Junius Silanus, &c. Turn refers to the present 
meeting of the senate, not to the previous one. — Decimus Junius 
Silanus had, as his colleague in the consulship, during the following 
year, L. Licinius Murena. He married Cato's half-sister, Servilia. 
Vid. Plutarch, Vit. Cat. min. c. 21. 

13. Consul designatus. " Consul elect" After A. U. C. 598, 
the consuls were chosen about the end of July or the beginning of 
August, and entered on their office on the first day of January. 
During the interval they were styled Consulcs iilign ifl. and were 
always asked their opinions first in the senate. This interval was 
made so long, that they might have time to become acquainted with 
what pertained to their office ; and that inquiry might be made 
whether they had gained their election by bribery. 

14. Pcdibus in stritcntiam, 6cc. " That he would embrace the 
opinion expressed by Tiberius Nero." The history of this whole 
affair appears to have been as follows Silanus gave his opium at 
first in favour of the unishment, (rov< <Woaj iax^ T !i *o>«»«« 
UtTiivai. Appian, B. C. 2, ft.) Many senators followed in the de- 
bate, and advocated the same course, (rroWoi aweridevro. Appian, 
ubi supra.) \\ hen it came, I the tum of Tiberius Clau- 
diu> -randfathcr of the future emperor) to deliver his senti- 
ments, he n commended that the conspirators should be detained in 
custody until Catiline was overcome, and that then the whole affair 
should be carefully invest iga( MT, who was at this time 
praetor elect, spoke after Nero, and declared himself against c.i 
punishment. The greater part of the senate, after he had finished, 
came over to his opinion, whereupon Cicero delivered his fourth 
Catilinarian oration, in which he took a view of the whole debate, 
recommended prompt and vigorous measures. His efforts, how< 
were unsuccessful, and a large majority of the senators, and among 
them Cicero's own brother, Quintus, were disposed to side with 
Caesar, probably from the fear lest severer measures might prove 
injurious afters ards to Cicero himself. itatins Catulus, 
Caesar's inveterate foe, and Cato, who was then tribune of the com- 
mons elect, interred their efforts. The eloquence of the latter 
proved triumphant, and the course he recommended was almost 
unanimously adopted. (The authorities to be consulted on this 
subject are as follows: Plutarch, Vit. Cic c. M d II, — ii 
Caes. c. 7 ct 8,—td. Vtt. Cat. min. c. 22—Sucton. Caes. 14. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 275 

Page. 
Appian, B. C. 2, 5, seqq.) As regards the phrase, pcdibus in l Qg 
sententiam ire, which is given in the text, we may remark, that a 
decree of the senate was commonly made by a separation of the 
senators to different parts of the house. He who presided said, 
" Let those who are of such an opinion pass over to that side," 
pointing to a certain quarter, u and those who think differently, to 
this." Hence ire pedibus in sententiam alicujus means, " to agree 
to any one's opinion," since he who had first proposed the opinion, or 
who had been the principal speaker in favour of it, passed over first, 
and the rest followed. 

15. Sed Caesar. The speech which Sallust here assigns to 
Caesar, and which, from the term hujusccmodi, as used by the his- 
torian, must be regarded as Caesar's merely in its general and 
leading features, is a perfect masterpiece of its kind : cool, argu- 
mentative, specious, and breathing apparently a spirit of patriotism, 
which was calculated to carry with it the opinions and feelings of a 
large majority of his hearers. It required all the bold and fervid 
eloquence of Cato to counteract its pernicious tendency. 

16. Ab odio, amicitia y &c. This construction of vacuus with 
the preposition, is not unusual in the best writers, such as Cicero, 
Tacitus, &c. Compare, in the 14th chapter of this same narrative, 
a culpa vacuus. 

17. Lubidini simul ct usui paruit. " Has obeyed at the same 
time the dictates of passion and of interest." 

18. Ubi intcndens mgtmum, &c. Understand in vcrum after 
imrenium. The passage may be paraphrased as follows : "When 
you apply the mind to the discovery of truth, unbiased by the influ- 
ence of any of these feelings, it succeeds in the search : if passion 
hold possession, it rules, and reason becomes useless." 

1. Bella Maccdonico. Brought to a conclusion by Paulus ia/j 
Aemilius, after the famous battle of Pydna, A. U. C. 686. " Qui 

finis fuit" observes Livy, (45, 9,) " xnclijti per Europae plcrumquc, 
atque Asiam omncm, rcgni." Perses was led by the conqueror in 
triumph at Rome. There are three forms of this last proper name, 
Pcrses-is, abl. Perse : Perseus-i, abl. Perseo : and Pcrscs-i, abl. 
Pcrsa. Compare Aulus Gellius, 7, 3. 

2. Rhoiliorum civitas. Consult Geographical Index. 

3. bifida atque advorsa. There were no actual hostilities be- 
tween the Rhodians and Romans, but the former, to use the language 
of Velleius Paterculus, (1, 9,) " fidelissimi antea Romanis, turn dubia 
fide spcculati fortunam, proniores regis partibus fuissevisi sunt." 

4. Impunitos dimisere. " Allowed them to escape unpunished." 
The Romans did not indeed make war upon them, which, according 



276 NOTES TO THE 

Page 

106 t0 ^ e spirit °f tne passage, would have been the punishment they 

deserved, but merely took from them the portions of Lycia and 

Caria which they had previously bestowed. Aulus Gcllius (7, 3) 

supplies us with some fragments of a very beautiful oration which 

Cato the elder delivered in their behalf. 

5. Per inducias. " During the season of truce. " 

6. Per occasionem. " When opportunity offered." — Talia feccre. 
"Retaliated;'' i. e. talia feccre qualia ilia fecer ant. 

7. In Mis. " In their case." 

8. Ne plus vol eat apud cos, &c. " In order that the crime of 
Publius Lentulus, and the rest, may not have more weight with you, 
than a regard for your own dignity, and that you may not listen 
more to the dictates of resentment than to what vour own character 
demands." 

9. Novum consilium. u The novel measure which has been 
proposed," viz. of putting citizens to death in violation of the I 
Cicero, however, (-1 1.) says that Silanushad reminded the 
senate "hoc genus poenae sacpe in improbos cites in republica esse 
usurpatum." 

10. Omnium mgenu cisupcrat. " Transcends the imaginations 
of all." — fit. " Those forms of punishment." Understand poems. 
Caesar, here, with admirable o deduce an argument, in 
favour of a mild infliction of punishment, from the very enormity 
of the crime itself. 

11. C foe "In studied and glowing lan- 
guage." — Casum reipublicac. " The unhappy condition of the state." 

12. Quo xlla oratio pcrtim. :ie object of that 
strain of oratoi it to embitter you against the conspiracv ! 
A mere speech, no doubt, will inflame him, whom so great and so 
atrocious a crime has not moved !" Scilicet is here used ironically 
The object of Caesar is to do away the effect calculated to be pro- 
duced by any fervid displays of eloquence. And he endeavours to 
accomplish this by showing that such eloquence is entirely super- 
fluous, as the crime speaks for itself, and cannot be aggravated by 
any powers of description. The true course for the senate to pursue 
is, according to him, to guard against any undue severity of punish- 
ment, both because it may expose them to the animadversion of 
posteritv, and may furnish those coming after them with a danger- 
ous precedent. Hence he artfully urges the propriety of lenient 
measures. 

13. Aliis alia liccntia. " All men have not the same freedom of 
action." Literally, " there is one kind of freedom in action allowed 
to one class of men, another to a different class." 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 277 

Page. 

14. Qui demissi in obscuro, &c. Understand loco; "who pass \QQ 
their lives sunk in obscurity." 

15. Ita in maxuma fortuna, &c. "Thus, in the highest eleva- 
tion there is the least freedom of action. In such a situation, it 
becomes us neither to show favour nor hatred, but, least of all, 
resentment ; what in others is called hastiness of temper, is, in 
those invested with power, styled haughtiness and cruelty." 

1. Studio reipublicae. " From an ardent zeal for the republic.'* 1 (V? 
— Eos mores, &c. " Such I know to be the principles, such the 
moderation of the man." Eos and earn are here respectively used 

for tales and talem. 

2. Injuria. " The nature of the crime," i. e. the enormity of the 
crime committed against the state. 

3. Praesenti diligent ia. Used for praescntia ct diligentia. "By 
the promptitude and diligence." Some manuscripts have praesertim 
diligentia. 

4. Tanta praesidia. These words appear to contain a secret 
censure of Cicero, as if it were at all necessary to have such power- 
ful guards under arms in the very heart of the city. 

5. Ultra. " After this ;" i. e. beyond the grave. The doctrine 
advocated by Caesar in the text, and which corresponded so inti- 

■ lv with his life and actions, was one unhappily but too preva- 
lent in the ancient world. Cicero makes mention of this opinion of 
Caesar with regard to the soul, in his fourth oration against Cati- 
line ; and Cato also alludes to it in the following speech. 

6. Lex Porcia. The Porcian Law, proposed by P. Porcius 
Laeca, a tribune of the commons, A. U. C. 454, ordained that no 
one should bind, scourge, or kill a Roman citizen, but that, in capi- 
tal cases, the alternative of exile should be granted. 

7. Qui court nit. M How is it consistent in you to observe that 
law," &c. Qui is here the old form of the ablative for quo. 

8. At cnim quis rcprehcndet, &c. The particles At enim are 
equivalent here to d\\a yap. M But, some one may say, what need 
is there of all this discussion, for who will blame," &c. 

9. Tempus, dies, &c. We have here the answer to the preced- 
ing question. At some future " time" argues Caesar, we may see 
cause to condemn what we are now doing, when critical " conjunc- 
tures" arise through the "caprice" of "fortune." — Cujus lubido, 
&c. " Whose caprice sways the destinies of nations." 

10. In alios. Literally, " against others." The true meaning 
of the whole passage, however, appears to be as follows : " But 
do you, Conscript Fathers, reflect, what influence upon others 
that which you are now determining may have :" i. e. " what 

26 



278 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

107 effect upon others the example you are now setting may pro- 
duce." 

11. Bonis. Understand exemplis. Some editions insert initiis 
after bonis. 

12. Ab dignis ct idoneis. &c. " From proper and fit subjects of 
punishment." Understand poena after dignxs. As regards the use 
of idoncus in this passage, compare Cicero, {pro Cluentio, 47,) 
" Per hominum idoneorum ignominiam ." and Terence, (Andr. 4, 
4,) " Adcone vobis videmur esse idenei in quibus sic Uludatis V 
In each of these passages it is taken, to adopt the language of gram- 
marians, " in malum partem.'" 

13. Devictis Athenicnsibus . Alluding to the termination of the 
Peloponnesian war, when the Athenians were compelled to demolish 
the fortifications of their city, together with the long walls, and 
submit to the rule of the thirty tyrants. 

14. Ea. TTndfffttind mgvtiM Some editions have co. 

•tfiO 1- Lubidinosc. H At their pleasure." Xenophon says that the 
thirty tyrants put to death, in the space of eight months, as many 
as had been slain during ten years of the Peloponnesian war. 

2. Damasippum. Damasippus was praetor during the consulship 
of Papirius Carbo and the younger Marius, A. (J. C. 671. As a 
follower of the Marian party, he indulged in many cruel excesses 
against the opposite faction, and al>o against such as were suspected 
by him of favouring it. 

3. Atquc ego liaec non in Marco Tidlio, 6ic. u I do not, it is 
true, apprehend such things as these in Marcus Tullius, nor in the 
present complexion of the tunes; but, m a pi at state, there are 
many and various characters. At some other time, under some 
other consul, to whose hands, likewise, an army may have been 
entrusted, some false suggestion may be credited for truth ; and 
when, by virtue of the precedent you are now establishing, that 
consul shall have drawn the sword of punishment, who shall set 
limits to his powei, or who restrain him in its exercise l u 

4. Insignia. The (rubra, a white robe adorned with purple 
stripes ; the ivory sceptre or staff; the sella curulis ; the twelve 
lictors for each consul, c\ 

5. Imitan, quam inridere, 6lc. ''They preferred to imitate 
rather than to envy what was good in the institutions of other na- 
tions." Understand institute after boms. One of Cortius's manu- 
scripts has itnitari bonos, quam. invidere bonis, &c, a reading of 
little value. 

6. Animudrcrtcbant in civis. The verb animadixrtere some- 
times, as in the present instance, denotes 4i to punish" by authority, 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 279 

Page, 
and then refers to the vigilance of the magistrate in marking offences 1 QQ 
committed. In this case there is often an application of the prepo- 
sition in before the name or designation of the culprits, intimating 
more strongly the steady attention directed towards the conduct 
found to be reprehensible. Hill's Synonyms, p. 89. 

7. Hanc ego caussam, &c. The train of reasoning which is here 
ascribed by the historian to Caesar, would appear to be as follows : 
Our forefathers, though they wanted neither sagacity in devising 
plans for their own advantage, nor boldness in carrying those plans 
into operation, yet never disdained to imitate, in the institutions of 
other nations, what they conceived to be of utility to themselves. 
Among other things, they borrowed the custom of inflicting capital 
punishment on condemned citizens. As. however, thev had adopted 
this from the Greeks at a period when it promised to be productive 
of salutary effects, so they changed it for a different course when 
positive evil was found to result. This was their latest alteration, 
and it being such, we, their descendants, should be guided in this 
instance by their wisdom, and pursue without any deviation the path 
they have marked out for us, the more especially, as we acknow- 
ledge our inferiority to them in political foresight, and in the princi- 
ples of sound government. 

8. Prof cc to rirtus, &c. " Surely there was greater energy and 
wisdom in those, who reared from trifling resources so mighty an 
empire," &c. 

9. Bene parta. " Happily obtained from them ;" i. e. u obtained, 
in an auspicious hour, from our fathers." 

1. Censco. This, as has been already observed in the Notes on i r|Q 
the Jugurthine War, was the usual and formal word applied to the 
expression of his opinion on the part of a senator. Scd ita, censco 
must therefore be rendered, M But my opinion is this." 

2. Publicandas eorum pecunias. u That their property should 
be confiscat 

3. Per mujiicipia. "Throughout the free towns." 

4. Neu quis, &c. " And that no one, for the time to come, con- 
sult the senate in relation to their case, or treat, respecting them, 
with the people." 

5. Ccteri verbo, &c. " The rest gave merely a verbal assent, 
one to one of the speakers, another to another, in support of dif- 
ferent opinions." — Alii, i. e. Silano, Neroni, Caesari. When the 
senators gave merely a verbal assent to the opinion of any speaker, 
they retained their seats and exclaimed assentior, adding the name 
of the individual with whom they agreed ; as, assentior Silano ; 
assentior Neroni ; assentior Caesari. 



280 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

109 **' L° n g em ih l a li a > &c. "When I reflect, Conscript Fathers, 

on the dangerous posture of our present affairs, my opinion is far 

different from what it is when I merely revolve in mind the sentiments 

of some of the speakers of this daw" After et understand alia. The 

exordium of this speech is an evident imitation of the beginning of 

the third Olynthiac Ov^i ravra rapiaraTai pot yivuMrxeiv, £> a. 
'AOnvaTotj orav rt tiq ra xpdyfia- >, rat orav rods rouj Xdyovj 

oiy dtcovoj' tovs fiiv yap \6yovs *eol rov Tiuu>pf&a<r6ai <t*i\iTrov bp<Z 
yiyvoficvovs, (" Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum" &c.) 
tu 61 rrpaypaTa cig tovto -rpofiKOvra, Cjort f» tn ftrrrciadfieda avroi wpdrtpop 
ra/rwj oKfipaaOat 6iov. (" Res autem monet, eaeere ab lilts magis" 
&c.) Demosth. Ohjnth. 3, init. 

7. Illi mihi disseruisse videntur, cVc. " They seem to me to 
have been arguing about the kind of punishment to be inflicted upon 
those, who," <fcc. 

8. Aris atquc focis suis. " Their religion and their homes." 
An ir in the middle of the house, (impluvium,) 
where the Penates i ipped, and focus denotes the hearth 
in the hall, {atrium,) around which were ranged the little images of 
the Lares. In such expressions as the present, care must be taken 
not to confound arae with the altars in public temples. Compare, 
on this bead) thi rank of Ernesti. C ' 1.1 1 ■ : ) " Arae 
ctfuci quum jiniisuntur, rare jmtcs, aras de templis, focos de aedtbus 

<r vulgaris opinio fert, in illo prorerhio, pro aris 
it foe is putr/iarr ; quern errorem etiam errawit cl. Lhtkerus ad Hot. 

18, fMM rum locus ille docere mcliora posset, quern frustrm 
tcntat. Sed utrumque dicitur de pnratis aedibus m qutbus ara 

U Dcorum. Penatium patriorum, tn implurw, focus autem in 
atno, isque Larium erat. Dom. 40. Unius cujusque veslrum, 
■edoa, aras, focos, &c. ibid. 41, hie arae, hie foci, hie dii penates." 
The u vulgaris opinio." h :us. 

9. Quam quid in HL> jument is this. The public 
safety demands that we rid ourselves of them at once, {eavere ab 
tUis,) and not waste valuable time in deliberating on the kind of 
punishment which their case may seem to demand. We should 
hold no terms with these guilty wretches : they have placed them 
selves, by their misdeeds, without the pale of the law, and the only 
thing to be done is to deprive them for ever of the means of injuring 
the if 

10. Cetera. Understand malcficia, which is expressed in some 
editions. 

11. Persequnre. "You may punish." Caesar, by the artful 
oration which the historian has assigned to him, had endetYOured 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, 281 

Page. 
to draw off the attention of the senate from the true point of the 1 09 
debate. Cato here brings back the question in its strongest and 
plainest colours. 

12. Judicia. " The aid of public justice." 

13. Tabulas. Understand pictas. " Your paintings." 

14. Amplexamini. From amplexor. " To be fondly attached 
to any thing," &c. 

15. Capessitc rempublicam. "Take upon you the defence of 
your country." 

16. Non agitur de vcctigalibus, cVc. " The question is not now 
respecting the revenues of our empire, nor of wrongs inflicted on our 
allies : our freedom, our very existence is at stake." 

17. Qui mihi atque animo mco, cVc. Cortius considers mihi 
atque ammo mco equivalent simply to meo animo. The meaning 
of the clause will then be : — M I, who never extended to my own 
self indulgence for any fault, was not easily induced to pardon the 
misdeeds of others, for the sake of gratifying their ruling propen- 
sities. " — C<,?i<Iunabam, strictly speaking, refers to the custom or 
habit of pardoning, as expressed by the imperfect tense. Plutarch's 
biography of Cato will furnish an ample commentary on the words 
of the text. The stern and unbending character of this remarkable 
man, while it renders him a conspicuous object amid the general 
corruption of the a<;e, must necessarily have exposed him to the 
hatred and the virulence of his contemporaries. 

18. Opulcntia ne g h ge n H tcm tolerabct. u Its resources saved it 
from the consequences of your neglect." 

19. Scd, rujus haec cunquc, &c. "But whether these things 
of what kind soever they mav be, are to remain our own, or, 
together with ourselves, are to become the prey of our ene- 
mies." 

20. Hie mihi quisquam, &c. " Does any one here make men- 
tion unto me of clemency and compassion ]" i. e. does any one tell 
me here, that the course to be pursued by us should be a mild and 
a merciful one 1 

1. Eo respublica in cxtrcmo sita. " In so critical a situation has 1 in 
the republic been placed." 

2. In furibus acrarn. " In the case of the pilferers of our trea- 
sury." In furious is the reading of all the manuscripts. 

3. Ne ill is sanguinem, &c. " Let them only not lavish upon 
these men our blood." Ne is here put for ne modo. 

4. Bene et composite. " In fair and studied language." Cato 
here refutes Caesar's remarks, on the eternal sleep of the grave, 
rather by oratorical irony than philosophic disputation. The latter 

26* 



282 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

1 10 wou ld have been altogether out of place in so bold and animated 
an harangue. 

5. Habere. " Inhabit." Used in the sense of habitare. Com- 
pare Cicero, Tusc. 1, 30. 

6. Videlicet timens. " Fearing, to be sure.*' Strong irony is 
expressed by both of these terms, but especially by the latter, since 
Caesar was more than suspected of being implicated in the con- 
spiracy. 

7. Multitudine coiulueta. " By a hired mob." With eanducta 
understand pretio or merccde ; and compare note 8, page 105. 

8. Quare vanum eguidem, &c. " Wherefore this advice is idle 
indeed, if he actually apprehends danger from them : while on the 
other hand, if, amid the great alarm which pervades all classes, he 
alone feels none, on that very account it concerns me to fear the 
more for myself, and you for yourselves." The expression w<yw 
rcfcrt, mihij &c is equivalent to maQis refer t me mihi, vosque I 
tunere. Cato here alludes in pointed terms to Caesar's supposed 
connexion with the c< 

9. Quanto vos attcn "The more vigorously ye 
shall act on the present occasion. 

10 Armis. " By arms alone." Understand tantum or modo. 
11. Quae nobis ?iul! None of which we have." Which 

have no existence for us. 

L3. A7iinus in consulendn lif>< A mind unfettered in 

deliberation ; neither swayed by a consciousness of guilt, nor 

til hy any ruling pro; 

13 Pubh v tgtrtmttn^ &•. M As a people, poverty ; in private, 

Opulence." The resources of the state are plundered by the 

powerful, (Jures aerarii,) who lavish in private their ill-gotten 

slth. 

14. Virtutis praemia. " The recompenses of merit." 
-a 1 1 1 Varuam rcmpublicam. M The unprotected republic ' 
**■ tor racuam understand dcfcrisonbus, or else consilto et defensione, 

as Dahl supplies the ellipsis. 

2. Supra caput est A figurative expression, analogous to the 
English phrases, "is at our very doors," or, M has the sword at our 
Jiroats." 

3. Adprehensis hostibus. The dative, not the ablative. Com- 
pare Cicero, Acad. 4, 115, " Diodoro quid faciam StotcoV and 
Pro Caecin. 30, H Quid hue tu homini facias ?" The common 
editions of Sallust have deprchensis, but the reading we have c 

is more significant. Deprehendere is to come upon one unawaree, 
but apprchendere is to seize, to lay hands upon. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 283 

Page. 

4 Miscreamini censeo. Uttered ironically. " My advice is that \\\ 
you take pity on them." 

5. Ne, ista vobis, &c. " Yes, that clemency and compassion, 
should they take up arms, will change into misery for you." Ne is 
an archaism for nae, from the Greek vai. Ista denotes strong con- 
tempt. With vcrtet understand sc. 

C. Scilicet res aspera est, &c. " The crisis is undoubtedly a 
dangerous one, but you fear it not : nay, indeed, you do fear it very 
greatly, but," &c. After immo vero maxume, understand earn 
timetis. The idea intended to be conveyed is this : You will 
acknowledge, very probably, that the present posture of our affairs 
is a dangerous one, but you will assert, at the same time, that it fills 
you with no alarm. Your assertion is a false one ; for the condition 
of the state does inspire you with apprehensions, and those, too, of 
the strongest kind, but you are too spiritless, too slothful, to act the 
part that becomes you. 

7. Suppliciis muliebribus. " Womanish supplications." 

8. Prospera. Some editions have prosperc, which is inferior in 
point of elegance. Prospera is used adverbially here by a Hel- 
lenism. 

9. Bcllo Gallico. This is an historical error on the part of Sal- 
hibt. The occurrence mentioned in the text took place in a war 
with the Latins. Compare Florus, 1, 14, and Livy, 8, 7. 

10. Pucnas dedit. " Atoned with his life for his intemperate 
valour."' 

11. Vos de crudclissumis, &c. An instance of the argument a 
fortiori. The premises are Apud majorcs nostros, &c. If a father 
put to death lus own son for merely disobeying a military order, 
thougli that veiy act of disobedience enabled the latter to destroy 
one of the of his country, should their country hesitate to 
inflict the most signal punishment upon these, who, with a cruel 
and parricidal spirit, have attempted to plunge the steel into her 
own bosom \ 

12. V Kit licet cita cetera, &c. " No doubt the rest of their lives 
stands in direct opposition to this crime. Well then, spare the rank 
of Lentulus," &c. Strong irony. 

13. Nisi itcrum, &c. "Unless this be the second time that he 
has made war upon his country." The irony of adolescentiae is 
extremely severe. Some commentators suppose, that the allusion in 
the text is to his having taken part with Marius in the contest be- 
tween him and Sylla. It is more probable, however, that the orator 
is made to refer to the conspiracy of Piso, mentioned in chapter 18 
of this work. 



284 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

Ill *** *** quidquam umquam pensi, &c. M If they had ever exer- 
cised the least reflection ;" i. e. if they had not always been rash 
and inconsiderate in their actions. The irony is still continued : It 
was not from any hostile intent that they harboured these designs 
against their country. Oh ! no ; but from mere want of reflection. 
Their conduct has always been marked by inconsiderateness and 
haste. 

15. Neque parari, &c. Cato here hints that some of the senators 
were implicated, and betrayed the deliberations of the senate to the 
conspirators. 
11 rt 1. Manifestos. " Palpably guilty." 

2. Vxrtutem animi. H His firmness of soul." 

3. Sicuti tile ccnsueral. The decree of the senate is said to 
have been made in accordance with the opinion of Cato, not because 
he was the only one who spoke in favour of capital punishment, but 
because he advocated that measure with the most ability and zeal. 
Thus Cicero (Ep. I remarks, " Cur ergo in senten- 
tiam ('atoms ? Quia verbis luculentionbus et plurtbvs rem eandem 
comprehendcrat. ' ' 

4. Sed mihi mult a leisrnti, <Stc. On tne score of historical fidelity, 
Sallust is highly censurable for the silence which he preserve^ 
jpectin<j the public honours that were paid to Cicero on this occasion. 
" It is in the conclusion of the business," observes Mr. Dunlop, 
" that the historian withholds from Cicero his due share of appl ?. 
and com urn by alw r of 
Cato ; though it could not be unknown to any witness of those 
trui ( ato himself, and other senators, publicly hi 
the consul as the Father of his countrv, and that a thanksgiving to 
the gods was decreed in his name, for having preserved the city 
from conflagration and the citizens from massacre. This omission, 
which may have originated partly in enmity, and partly in disgust 
at the ill-disguised vanity of the consul, has in all times been re- 
garded as the chief delect, and even stain, in the history of the 
Catilinarian conspiracy." Dw rn hp' * Roman. Literature, vol.2, p. 
154, Loml 

5. Quae res maxime. &.c. M "What circumstance in particular 
had supported the weight of such important concerns." 

6. Atrttanti. li Reflect!' 

7. Velutt ejfoeta parente. " The parent being, as it were, ex- 
hausted." Cortius reads efioeta parentum. and considers it equiva- 
lent to efiocta parens inter juirentes. •• a parent whose strength has 
departed." We have followed the Bipont text, with which that of 
Burnouf agrees. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 285 

Page. 

8. Genus. " Birth/' M. Porcius Cato, called, after his death, J J 2 
Uticensis, from the city of Utica, near Carthage, where he 
ended his existence, was the great grandson of M. Porcius Cato, 

the censor. The Porcian gens was plebeian ; the Julian, patrician ; 
illustrious achievements, however, and public honours, had raised 
the former to a full equality with the latter. 

9. Actas. At the time c r this conspiracy, Cato was thirty-three 
years of age, Caesar about thirty-seven. 

10. Gloria. Understand par 

11. Alia alii. " One kind of glory to the one, another to the 
other." The student will observe the use of alia alii in place of 
altera altcri, which last would be too limited in signification for the 
spirit of the passage. Compare Livy, 1, 21, M lta duo deinceps 
reges, alius alia via, Ule hello, hie pace, ctvttatem auxerunt.'* 

12. Huic scrcritas. M To the latter the rigid practice of virtue 
had imparted additional dignity." 

13. Ignoscendo. u By forgiving." Igjiosco properly means to 
take no notice of a fault, {non nosse.) Thus Cicero, (Ep. ad Brut. 
15, a J?ied.) " A 1 1 pocnam praetermittere {id cnim est quod 
vocatur ignosccre) i, ciosum putoV 

1. TllnisfacUita$,hujusccm>idiUui,6ic. u The yielding temper lio 

former, the firmness of the latter, were subjects of continual 
prai^ 

2. In animum induxcrat. " Had formed the resolve." 

3. At Catoni studium modestiae, &c. M But Cato's onlv study 
was moderation, honour, but most of all, the rigid practice of virtue. n 

4. Fact tone. " In party spirit." 

5. Abstnicntia. " In purity of heart." 

6. Esse quam viden, &c. The idea, here expressed, appears to 
be borrowed from Aeschylus, (Sept. contra Theb. 589, ed. Blomf.) 
Ov yap toKcTv ^tVatof, aAA' tivat $e\ei. Compare Choricius, ap. Vil- 
loison, (Anecd. Grace, vol. 2, p. 22,) e/3oi\ero yap ov Sokciv, dAX* 
tlvai xpnvrfi. — M The parallel drawn between Cato and Caesar," 
observes Mr. Dunlop, " is one of the most celebrated passages in 
the history of the conspiracy. Of both these famed opponents we 
are presented with favourable likenesses. Their defects are thrown 
into the shade : and the bright qualities of each different species, by 
which they were distinguished, are contrasted for the purpose of 
showing the various qualities by which men arrive at eminence." 
Dunlop s Roman Literature, vol. 2, p. 160, Lond. ed. Steele has 
given an imitation of this passage of Sallust, in the Christian Hero, 
p. 4. Compare Velleius Paterculus, 2, 35. 

7. Triumviros. Understand capitales. These were magistrates 



286 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

f 13 wno na< * charge of the prison, and of the execution of condemned 

criminals. They judged also concerning slaves, and persons of the 

lowest rank. They were likewise called Tresviri or Treviri. From 

Valerius Maximus, (5, 4, 7,) it appears that they acted commonly 

by deputies. 

8. Locus — quod, &c. The relative here agrees in gender with 
the following noun. Some grammarians term this the Greek con- 
struction. It is the usual practice of Cicero ; but other authors give 
the relative the gender of the preceding noun : Cicero himself adopts 
this latter custom when the word explained is a foreign one : as, 
" cohiberc motus animi quos Graeci nddrt vocant :" still, however, he 
has also the following : " consensus quamcvfiir&dciav Graeci vocant.''' 
Zumpt. L. G.. p. 238. 

9. Tullianum. The prison at Rome was originally built by 
Ancus Martius, and afterwards enlarged by Servius Tullius ; whence 
that part of it which was under ground, and built by him, received 
the name of Tullianum. Thus Varro (L. L. 4) observes, " In hoc, 
pars quae sub terra Tullianum, ideo quod additum a Tullio rege." 
The full expression is Tullianum robur, from its walls having been 
originally of oak ; but in the days of Sallust they were of stone. 
This dungeon now serves as a subterranean chapel to a small church 
bo lit on the spot, called San Pietro in career e, in commemoration 
of St. Peter, who is supposed to have been confined there. Its only 
entrance, when a dungeon, was through a hole in the arched roof; 
now, however, there is a door in the side-wall. " Notwithstanding 
the change," observes Eustace, " it has still a most appalling ap- 
pearance." Eustace Class. Tour, vol. 1, p. 365, note. Lond. ed. 

10. Escenderis. An archaism for ascenderis. Some editions 
have descendcris, but erroneously , for escoideris refers to the eleva- 
tion on which the prison stood. Compare Descrizzione di Roma 
Antica, p. 151, where the different opinions are stated relative to 
the situation of the Tullianum. 

11. Camera, &c. " A vaulted roof secured by stone arches." 

12. Incultu. " From want of care," or " of cleanliness." 

13. Quibus praeceptum erant. Understand lictores. Compare 
note 7, page 113. 

14. Laqueo gulam fregere. u Strangled him." It was the Ro- 
man custom to put to death criminals of rank in prison ; to inflict 
public punishment on others. 

15. Ex omni copia. " Out of the entire force." 

16. Duas legiones instituit. " Formed two legions." Catiline 
formed, if the expression may be allowed, the skeletons of two le- 
gions. He had not, at first, a sufficient number of men to form the 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 287 

Page. 
regular complement of each legion ; still, however, he divided what 11Q 
men he had into twenty cohorts, ten for a legion, and these cohorts 
he subdivided into maniples and centuries. The cohorts, maniples, 
and centuries, all wanted at first their regular complement of men, 
and only obtained it gradually as fresh troops arrived at the 
camp. 

17. Numero hominum. " With the regular number of men." 
The legion, as has already been remarked in the Notes to the Jugur- 
thine War, contained different numbers of men at different times, 
from 3000 to 6000. In the time of Polybius it was 4200. The 
subject is well discussed by Lipsius, De Militia Romana, dial. 4. 
Each legion was divided into ten cohorts, each cohort into three 
maniples, and each maniple into two centuries. So that there were 
thirty maniples and sixty centuries in a legion, and if there always 
had been 100 men in each century, as its name imports, the legion 
would have consisted of 6000 men. 

18. Sparos. " Darts." The form of this weapon is not clearly 
ascertained. Servius {ad Aen. 11, 682) describes it as follows : 
" Telum rusticum in modum pedis (read, with R. Stephens, pedi) 
recurvum." Festus observes, " Spar a parvissimi generis jacula, 
ab eo quod spargantur dicta" and Nonius, (c. 18, n. 12,) " Spari 
tela sunt non bellica." 

1. Praeacutas sudes. u Stakes pointed at the end." 11/1 

2. In Galliam versus. " In the direction of Gaul," or, " towards 
Gaul." 

3. Sese habiturum. " That he himself would soon have one." 
Understand occasionem pugnandi. Some editions have magnas 
copias habiturum. 

4. Cujus. " Of which class of persons." Understand generis, 
or servitii. Singular relatives are sometimes referred to collective 
antecedents in the plural. Compare Priscian, 17, 20, vol. 2, p. 81, 
ed. Krehl. " Cujus enim smgulare ad rem retulit (Sallustius) id 
est cujus rei servitiorum." Consult also the excursus of Cortius on 
this passage of Sallust. 

5. Alienum suis rationibus. " Inconsistent with hi3 views." 
Catiline, however, had intended originally to have employed the 
services of the slaves. Compare chapters 24 and 46 of this same 
history. 

6. In agrum Pistorienscm. " Into the territory of Pistoria." 
Consult Geographical Index. 

7. Galliam. Cisalpine Gaul, of course, is meant. 

8. Ex difficultate rerum, &c. " Suspecting, from the difficulties 
which encompassed him, that Catiline was meditating those very 



288 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

) 14 P^ ans °f which we have made mention above ;" I e. was medita* 
t.ing an escape into GauL 

9. Sub ipsis radicibus. " At the very foot." — In Galliam pro- 
peranti. Some have inclosed these words within brackets as savour- 
ing of a gloss. 

10. Utpote qui, &c. " Inasmuch as he." 

11. Expeditus. Some editions place a comma after acquioribus, 
and another after expeditus, which then may signify " unencumber- 
ed by baggage." We have given, however, the reading of Cortius, 
which may be rendered as follows : " encountering- fewer obstacles 
to his progress along a more level country :" fewer obstacles, 
namely, than Catiline did in his passage across the mountains. 
Others prefer placing a comma after acquioribus, and reading ex- 
pedites in fugam sequeretur. They make expedites in fugam equiv- 
alent to sine impediments fugientcs. 

12. Montibus atque copiis. The forces of Antonius, in Etruria, 
pressed Catiline in the rear, while Mctellus stood ready in Gaul, at 
the foot of the Apennines, to intercept the enemy as they fled. 
Compare the words of Catiline in the following chapter : " Exercitus 
hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia, obstante 

13. Praesidii. " Relief," or " succour." 

14 Moribus. "By habit." — Patcrc. " To display itself."— 

Timor animi. For the simple timor. — Auribus obficU. " Obstructs 

the avenues of hearing." 

1 -I ff 1. Caussam consilii. " The grounds of this my final resolve." 

2. Quantam cladem. " What disastrous consequences." — 

Quoquc modo. " And in what way." 

3. Unus ab urbe, &c. " One on the side of the city, the other 
on that of Gaul." 

4. Si maxume animus fcr at. " Even if inclination most strongly 
prompt us to the step." However much we may be inclined so to do. 

5. Mis supervacaneum est, &c. Equivalent to illis nee necessi- 
tatis nee utilitatis est pro potentia paucorum pugnarc. " They lie 
under no obligation to fight in defence of the power of a few." No 
necessity urges them to throw away their lives in support of an 
odious aristocracy ; and, therefore, you will find them the easier to be 
subdued. 

6. Viris. " To those who had the feelings of men." 

7. Relinquere. Understand hacc. " To abandon this career on 
which you have entered." — Pace bcllum mutavit. " Has exchanged 
war for peace." 

8. Quis. For quibus. 

9. Ea vero dementia est. " This indeed is folly." Dementia, 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 289 

Page. 
Strictly speaking, denotes the absence of judgment, in particular J J 5 
cases, whereas amentia implies the total want of reason. 

10. Qui maxume timent. The antecedent Mis is elegantly un- 
derstood. 

11. Inulti animam amittatis. m4 That ye part not with life un- 
avenged." Supply ne. 

1. Instructos ordines. " His troops as they were drawn up." "I 1 A 

2. Pedes. " On foot." The nominative singular. 

3. Pro loco atque copiis. " In accordance with the nature of the 
ground, and the extent of his forces." 

4. Nam, uti planities, &c. " For, as the plain was situate be- 
tween mountains on the left, and as there was on the right a craggy 
rock." If we read rupc, as some editions have it, existente is un- 
derstood : if rupes, it is the nominative to erat understood. The 
meaning, however, is the same in either case. 

5. Reliqua signa, &c. " The rest of his forces he stations m 
closer order, as a body of reserve." Signa, which properly denotes 
the standards, is here put by metonymy for the troops themselves. 
Each century, or at least each maniple, had its proper standard and 
standard-bearer. 

6. Ab his centuriones, &c. We have given lectos with Cortius 
and others. Some editions have electos, which may be construed 
as a substantive. The electi, according to Vegetius, (2, 6,) com- 
posed the first cohort, which took its post by the eagle, and was re- 
garded as the head of the legion, (caput legionis.) The Bipont 
edition reads electos. 

7. Evocatos. The evocati, as has already been remarked in the 
notes to Jugurtha, were veterans who had served out their time, 
but had been prevailed upon to follow the standard of a commander 
whom they approved. They were exempted from the drudgery of 
military service. 

8. Faesulanum quendam. " A certain inhabitant of Faesulae." 
Plutarch calls him Furius. — Curare. " To take command." Curare 
appears to be the proper word on such occasions. Compare Jug. 
57, " Legatis imperat ubi quisque curaret." 

9. Libcrtis et colonis. By the liberti are meant his own freed- 
men : for if freedmen in general had been meant, Sallust would 
have used libertinis instead oi libertis. By coloni are meant Sylla's 
veterans, who had been settled in the military colonies. 

10. Propter aquilam, &c. Each Roman legion had for its chief 
standard an eagle of gold or silver, with expanded wings, on the 
top of a spear, sometimes holding a thunderbolt in its claws, witn 
the figure of a small chapel above it. Consult Rasche. Lex Rei 

27 



290 NOTES TO THE 

Page. 

j Jg Numm. vol. 1, p. 995. Probably the same eagle is meant in the 
text of which Cicero speaks, (1, in Cat. 9,) " cui domi (Catilinae) 
vacrarium scelerum constitutum fuit." 

11. Bello Cimbrico. Consult Geographical Index, under the 
article Cimbri. 

12. Pedibus aeger. Dio Cassms informs us that Antonius 
feigned illness on the day of battle, fearful of encountering the re- 
proaches of Catiline in case the latter should meet him in the fight. 
Catiline, according to the same authority, preferred coming to an 
engagement with the forces of Antonius rather than with those of 
Metellus, although the former commander had the larger army of the 
two, because he hoped that Antonius would purposely mismanage 
matters during the fight. Dio. Cass. 37, 39, vol. 1, p. 136, ed. 
Reimar. 

13. Tumulti. A war in Italy, or against the Gauls, was called 
tumult us, a much stronger term than bellum. 

14. Ipse. Some commentators condemn the use of ipse in this, 
and ille in the preceding clause, with reference to the same person. 
The explanation, however, is an easy one : Antonius exercitum 
Petreio permittit. Ille Petreius, &c, (" that officer ;") and again, 
Petreius suum cuiquc cohorti locum assignat. Ipse equo circumiens, 
("riding around in person.") 

15. Inermos. Incrmus and inermis are indiscriminately used. 

16. Cernere. Used here for decerncre : the simple verb for the 
compound. — Homo miiitaris. Used, kclt i^o^hv, for u homo rei 
mditaris peritissimus" "a man of great military experience.'' 

17. Tribunus. " Tribune." The military tribunes of the Ro- 
mans nearly corresponded to the colonels oi modern times. There 
were six in each legion, who commanded under the consul. 

18. Praefectus. " Prefect." When the term pracfcctus stands 
alone, as in the present instance, it denotes a commander of the 
allies. The pracfccti among the allies, were of the same rank 
with the tribuni among the Roman forces. The officers of the 
allies were for the most part Romans, chosen by the consul or 
senate. 

19. Tuba. The Romans used only wind-instruments of music 
in the army. The tuba was straight, like our trumpet ; the Jituus, 
or clarion, was bent a little at the end, like the augur's staff, 
(lituus) whence the name. The tuba was used as a signal for the 
foot, the lituus for the horse. Compare Lipsius, dc Militia Romana, 
dial. 10. 

20. Ferentariis. The light-armed troops, beside other appella- 
tions, were styled ferentarii, because they carried what they threw. 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 291 

Page. 

21. Pila omittunt. "They throw aside their javelins." — Vete- \\Q 
rani. Belonging to the Roman army. — Eli. Referring to the fol- 
lowers of Catiline. 

22. Interea Catilina, &c. The student will observe the animated 
air which the succession of infinitives imparts to this sentence, until 
the mind of the reader is allowed to repose itself on the finite form 
at its close, exsequebatur. 

1. Cohortem praetoriam. Among the Romans, the general 1 l*y 
was usually attended by a select band, called cohors Praetoria. It 

was first instituted by Scipio Africanus, according to Festus, but 
something similar was used long before that time, as appears from 
Livy, 2, 20. This differs essentially from the praetorian cohort in 
the history of the empire. 

2. In primis. " Among the first," not, as some render it, 
" among the foremost." The expression must be referred to cadunt y 
not to pugnantes. It would have been very scanty praise to have 
said of them, that they fell fighting " among the foremost," or "in 
the foremost ranks ;" for how could they, as commanders, have done 
otherwise ? Besides, if such had been the meaning of the historian, 
he would have preferred to express it by inter primos. 

3. Paullo diver sius. " In a somewhat more scattered manner." 

4. Civis ingenuus. " Free citizen." Ingenuus, among the 
Romans, denoted a person born of parents who had always been 
free." 

5. Ita. " So little." 

6. Laetitia, moeror, &c. Laetitia properly denotes a transport 
of joy, or joy expressed strongly by the actions of the individual. 
Gaudium, on the contrary, indicates the calm and rational emotion 
of joy. So moeror denotes sorrow accompanied by tears, luctus 
more of internal grief. 



We have now reached the close of this eventful narrative, and have 
traced the progress of a conspiracy which, though arrested in its earlier 
stages, yet proved one of those violent shocks that hastened the fall of 
the Roman state. It may not be amiss, before concluding, to mention 
a few particulars which are passed over in silence by the historian. 
From Dio Cassius, Lib. 37, c. 40 and 41, we learn, that Antonius, after 
the battle, sent the head of Catiline to Rome, in order to quiet all ap- 
prehension on the part of the inhabitants ; and that he himself was 
honoured with the title of Imperator, although he had taken no active part 
in the fight, and although the number of slain (3000) was less than 



292 NOTES TO THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 

that for which this title was usually awarded, (5000.) A public thanks- 
giving was also decreed, and the garb of mourning, which the citizens 
had assumed when the conspiracy broke out, was again laid aside. The 
accomplices of Catiline, who had either not been present in the battle, 
or had escaped from the field, spread themselves over Italy, but were 
in part taken and executed. One of the number, Lucius Vettius, 
turned informer against the rest : but he accused so many as to excite 
the suspicion of the senate, who ordered him, not to commit to writing 
the names of those against whom he informed, but to mention them at 
once by word of mouth. This confused and alarmed him, and but few 
were subsequently accused. The names of those whom he had impli- 
cated having been concealed from the people at large, great confusion 
and alarm consequently prevailed. To quiet this general feeling of in- 
security, the senate resolved to publish the names in question, which 
was accordingly done. Some of the accused stood trial and were con- 
demned ; others abandoned their sureties and fled. 



• 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 



% ■VV^V*^V'%'VWV^W"VV\/V'%. 



• 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 



Aborigines. A name given by the Roman writers to the primitive 
race of the Latins. According to Cato, they dwelt originally about 
mount Velmo, in Italy, and the lake of Cclano, (Fucinus,) as far as Car- 
seoli, and towards Reate ; but were driven onward by the Sabines, who 
came from Aquila. {Dion. Hal. 2, 49.) On leaving this vicinity, they 
came down the Anio, and expelled the Siculi from the neighbourhood 
of Tibur, Antemnae, Crustumerium, and Aricia. Sallust represents them 
as a savage race, living in hordes, without any civilization, and ignorant 
of agriculture. This, however, does not agree with the traces of their 
towns in the Apennines. The Aborigines revered Janus and Saturn ; 
the latter of whom, according to some authorities, taught them hus- 
bandry, and induced them to choose settled habitations. From this 
ancient race, blended with a remnant of the Siculi, came the later Latin 
nation. (Compare Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. i., p. 62. Cambridge 
Transl.) p. 82. 

Aegyptus. An extensive country of Africa, consisting of the long 
and narrow valley which follows the course of the Nile, from Syene 
(Assooan) to Cairo, together with the Delta, or triangular region, spread- 
ing from this point, to the Mediterranean sea. Sallust and Pomponius 
Mela (1,8) consider it as a part of Asia, making Africa end at the 
Catabathmus. Other ancient writers give the Nile as forming the divi- 
ding line between Asia and Africa ; and, of course, make Egypt belong 
half to the former continent and half to the latter. . . p. 14. 

Aethiopes. A race, according to Sallust, occupying the central parts 
of Africa, from east to west. The early Greeks meant by Aethiopes all 
races of a dark complexion (<it0w, uro, and a>xp, vultus,) and called theii 
country Aethiopia, wherever situated. Hence, Homer speaks of the 
Eastern and Western Aethiopians, meaning by the former the Arabians, 
Indi, &c, and by the latter the natives of central Africa. Aethiopia, 
according to the more definite account of Herodotus, includes the coun- 
tries above Egypt, the present Nubia and Abyssinia ; and it is in some- 
what the same sense that the term is now employed, when we speak of 
Aethiopia as the parent of Egyptian civilization. . . p. 14 . 

Africa. Called by the Greeks Libya ; and commonly regarded by 
the ancients as forming the third division of the world. Some, however, 
of the geographers of antiquity considered the world as composed of four 
parts, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Egypt ; and others again of only two, 



296 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

Europe and Asia, including Africa in Europe. In general, Africa was 
reckoned a third part. The name was first applied by the Romans to 
the immediate territories of Carthage. Hence, we find, on the coast of 
the Mediterranean, Africa Propria, corresponding to the modern country 
of Tunis. On the east, Africa is bounded by the isthmus of Suez, and 
the Sinus Arabicus, or Red sea ; on the north by the Mediterranean, 
called by the Romans Mare Nostrum ; on the west by the Atlantic ; and 
on the south by the Indian ocean. It is extremely doubtful whether the 
ancients were acquainted with the circumnavigation of Africa. Hero- 
dotus informs us, that it was accomplished by Phenician mariner- 
out by the orders of Necho, king of Egypt. . p. 12, 13, 14. 

Africum Mare. Another name for that part of the Mediterranean 
which washes the shores of Africa. Mela (1, 14) calls it Libycum 
Mare. According to other authorities, however, the Libycum Pelagus 
was between Africa and the coast of ( . . p. 13. 

Allobroges. A people of Gaul, between the Isara, or Isere y and 
the Rhodanus, or Rhone, in the country answering to Pied- 

mont, and Sumi/ Their chief city was Vienna, n -. on the left 

bank of the Rhodanus, thirteen miles i>. mum, or Lyons. They 

were finally reduced beneath the Room 

.•noun .1 with the sun - Then M 

said to mean " Highlanders, " from .1 land.'* 

(Tku I {>. 168, si 
datrs, vol p. 99, 100, 101. 

An 1. 1\. A country of Magna Graecia, 1. the coast of the 

Hadnatic The name Apulia was unknown l ho gave the 

country the appellation of lapygia. ]• 

the term kpygia was contiix that peninsula, to which the name 

pit w.is Bometunei applied find, at a later period, that 

Polvb; mi which t: jeogra- 

phers and D modern M ilia is 

Puislid- Th« count r. 

Ancient Italy, \ol. b . p -<U, Mff.) ... p. 93, 94. 100. 

Armenii. The inhabitant . which was 

divided into Armenia .Major and Minor. The first of these answ 
the modern Turcomama, and is still sometimes called Armenia, lvin^ 
south of mount Caucasus, and comprehending the Turkish pachalics of 
Erze-Roum, Kars, and Van, and also the Persian province Iran, or 
Eriran. I( river Euphrates. 

Armenia Minor was, properly speaking, a part of Cappadocia. It is 
now called Aladulia, a :i. mountain- 

ous country, which has Caucasus for its northern boundary, and in the 
centre is traversed by branches of mount Taurus, to which belongs 
mount Ararat. Here the rivers Euphrates, Tigris, ar [ Kur, 

take their rise. The climate is rather cold than warm ; the - 
general moderately fertile, and better fitted for grazing than for a_ 
ture. The mountains are rich in iron and in copper. , 

Arpinum. A small town of Latium, southeast of Rome, still known 
by the name of Arpino. It was famous for having been the birth- 
place of Marius, and Cicero. It onginallv belonged to the Volsci, but 
was taken by the Sainnites, from whom it was again wrested by the 
Romans. . . p. 43. 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 297 

Arretinus Ager. The territory of Arretium, a city of Etruria, 
north of Cortona, and near the Arnus, or Arno. Its modem name is 
Artzzo. Arretium was a place of considerable celebrity, and generally- 
considered as one of the principal states of Etruria. It was much cele- 
brated for its terra cotta vases. (Plin. H. N. 35, 12.) . p. 97. 

Asia. One of the divisions of the ancient world. (Via 1 . Africa.) 
The name of Asia was applied by Homer, Herodotus, and Euripides, to 
a district of Lydia, watered by the Cayster. As their geographical 
knowledge of the continent increased, the Greeks extended the term 
gradually to the whole of Asia Minor, and eventually to the other ex- 
tensive countries of the East. When the Roman writers refer to Asia 
specially, they mean the Roman province in Asia Minor. . p. 13, 85. 

B. 

Baleares. A name anciently given to the islands of Majorca and 
Minorca. The word is derived from the Greek fidWeiv, " to throw," 
or " strike, 1 ' from the expertness of the inhabitants in the use of the 
sling. The Romans obtained some of their best slingers from these 
islands. In Majorca is Palma, which still retains its ancient name. In 
Minorca is Portus Magonis, now Port Mahon. ... p. 72. 

Bruttii. A people of Magna Graecia, below Lucania. They were 
a pastoral race, and, according to some of the ancient writers, were called 
Bruttii by the Romans, from their cowardice in submitting to Hannibal 
during the second Punic war. A much better etymology, however, is 
given by Strabo, who informs us, that they were called Bruttii from the 
circumstance of their being revolted slaves ; ^perriovs yap ko\<>voi dirocTd- 
ras, sa\> Strabo, speaking of the Lucanians. This appellation the in- 
surgents are supposed to have accepted as a term of defiance. The 
Bruttii flocked eagerly to the victorious standard of Hannibal, and sub- 
sequently enabled that commander to maintain his ground in this quarter 
of Italv, when all hope of final success seemed to be extinguished. 
Hence they were reduced by the Romans to the most abject state of 
dependance, after the departure of the Carthaginian general and the 
victory at Zama. They were pronounced incapable of being employed 
in a military capacity, and their services were confined to the menial 
offices of couriers and letter-carriers. (Cramer s Ancient Italy, vol. ii., 
p. 386.) p. 100. 

C. 

Camertem. A native of Camennum. This place was a Roman 
colony, on the borders of Picenum, but lying in Umbria. It was probably 
not the same with the Camerte of Strabo, as some suppose. ( Cramer's 
Ancient Italy, vol. i., p. 274.) Barbie du Bocage is of opinion, that 
Camerinum was founded by the inhabitants of Camerte, after the latter 
city had been destroyed by Sylla for favouring the party of Marius. 
(Consult the French Strabo, vol. ii., p. 60.) . . , p. 93. 

Campania. A very fertile district of Italy, below Latium, of which 
Capua was the chief city. The natural advantages of Campania, its 
genial climate, and fertile soil, so rich in various productions, are a 
favourite theme with the Latin writers. 



298 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

Capsa. A city of Africa, in the district of Bvzacium, north of the 
Palus Tritonis, and surrounded by vast deserts. Here Jugurtha kept 
his treasures. It was surprised aud burnt by Marius. As, however, a 
place which affords fresh water in the midst of a desert is too important 
a site to remain long unoccupied, we find the city subsequently rebuilt, 
and the inhabitants mentioned by Pliny (H. N. 5. 4) under the name 
of Capsitani. Ptolemy speaks of Capsa as a city in his days, occupied 
most probably by Romans, and forming a kind of frontier place. The 
origin which Sallust a- ; been founded, namely, 

by the Lybian Hercules, assimilates it to the cities of Egypt, and points 
to a sacerdotal colony. Even its other name, Hccatompvlos, reminds 
us of Egyptian Thebes and its hundred gates. (Mannc I vol. x., 

part 2, p' 346 p. 60, 62, 66. 

Capla. The capital of Campania in Italy, a rich and flounshn 
until ruined by the Romans. Capua ually called Villi 

which name was changed bv the Tyrrhem, after they became D 
of the place, to Capua This hit t t-r appellation was derived from their 
hadcr Capvs. M ho, according t<> \as so called from h 

being (l»t(»nm<) .Mid tamed imm i Capua opened its gates to Hanni- 
bal after the hat? 1 the luxury of the city proved highly 
injurious to the martial spirit of his troops. After the retreat of the 

at discretion to the Romans, 
who I' damned the nobles to perpetual impris- 

onniei,' d the inhabitants as - ithough colonies 

afterwards sent to inhabit t:. \M former mngnhV 

ge, put the people * 
sword, and burnt of Justinian, pen 

the ad\ on, reluult Capua al»out the middle of the 

sixth centurv It wrm destroys d, own I I . bj the Saracens. A D 
Modern Capua occupies the ancient city, but of Casili- 

nuui. on the Yultnrnuv distant ; the inhabitants having been 

transferred to tin I by the btebop Landulpus and the Lombard 

count I .undo. The \ true site of the 

ancient place. {MtUM vol. ix, part 1, p, 771 ) 

Cartiiac.o A irnercial city of Africa, the rival, for a 

long period, of the Roman power It w,ts founded by a colony from 
Tyre, according to the common account, 13. C. 878. Some, however, 
suppose that the city was more than once founded, and rebuilt or en- 
larged, and in this way the\ - the difficulty occasioned bv 
the conflicting accounts respecting the foundation of this city, by refer- 
ring them to difierenl at, Eicurs. 1. ad Acn. 4 ) In 
this point ot view, the third fotu irthage will be assigned to 
Dido. The ailed Car yntio*, and the inhabitants 
K'ipxnfovioi. The name ot - Carthadu. or Cartha- 
Hadath, i. e. the M New City, "m contradistinction, perhaps, to the old 
or parent city of Tvre ; unless. m term refer rather to the 
renovation of an earlier city by the arrival of a new colonv, wluch will 
agree with the theory of the several foundi -thage 
was situated on a peninsula, in the recess of a spacious bay, formed by 
the promontory Hermaeum (cape Bon) on the east, and that of Apollo 
(cape Zibb) on th< loin into the bar be- 
tween the remains of Utica and the peninsula ; and, being an inundating 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 299 

river, has doubtless caused many changes in the bay. The circumfer- 
ence of the site of Carthage was twenty-three miles, and when it was 
set on fire by the Romans, at the close of the third Punic war, it burnt 
incessantly for seventeen davs. It is unnecessary here to enter very 
fully mto the history of this powerful city. The wars w T aged between 
it and the Romans were denominated the Punic, and were three in 
number. The first Punic war continued twenty-three years, and was 
mated by the defeat of the Carthaginians off the Aegades Insulae. 
The second lasted about seventeen years, during nearly sixteen of which 
Hannibal was in Italy. It was ended by the battle of Zama. The third 
was nothing more than the capture and destruction of Carthage. Julius 
Caesar planted a small colony on the ruins of Carthage. Augustus sent 
3,000 men thither, and built a city at a small distance from the spot on 
which the ancient place had stood, thus avoiding the ill effects of the 
imprecations, which had been pronounced by the Romans, according to 
custom, at the time of its destructi" those who should rebuild 

it. This later Carthage was taken I D. 439, and it was 

for more than a century the seat of the Vandal power in Africa. It was 
at Lai Saracens, during the Caliphate of Abdel Melek, 

rds the end of I kh century, and few traces of it now re- 

main, p. 14,29, 58, 83. 

Catabatiimos. A sloping tract of land, whence its name, (Kara- 
0ad/< vrenaica from Egypt, according to 

Pliny. Sallnef the boundai Egypt and Africa. (1 

l commonly called Catabai :ius, to distin- 

ID it from a similar declivity of leal extent farther to the east, along 

orjf oi Egypt. The modern name 
of the Catabalhmuj M lorn. . . p. 13,14. 

I ipposed to have been descended from 

called Chersonesus 

. now Jutland, forming part of the kingdom of Denmark. 

teir territories, which were both 

narrow and barren, arid being joined by the Teutones, or rather by several 

nan nations, under this general name, moved through the intervening 

countries, entered and overran Gaol, and defeated four Roman armies 

in BUCCesaion. Manns, at last, in his second consulship, was chosen to 

carry on the war. He met the Teul S< xtiae, in Gaul, and, 

after a blood. toy dead on the field 

of battle, and took 90,000 prisoners. The Cmibri, who had formed 

another army, had already penetrated into Italy, where they were met at 

the river . Marius and his colleague Catulus, a year after. An 

agement ensued, and, if we believe the ancient accounts, 140,000 

in. Those who escaped the sword of Marius settled in that 

part of the Alps called Sette Commune, where their descendants still 

retain the Teutonic language, and a traditional account of their origin. 

They keep themselves quite separate from the surrounding states, by 

which means they have preserved the language of their ancestors, in a 

great degree, uncorrupted. The late king of Denmark visited these 

Alpine Cumbrians, and readily conversed with them, when both parties, 

speaking their native languages, understood each other. 

Cirta. A city of Numidia, about forty-eight miles from the s^a, on 
a branch of the river Ampsagas. It was intended as the royal residence, 



300 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

and being, in fact, the only city originally in that part of the country, 
and erected by Carthaginian workmen, it hence took the Punic name of 
Cartha, or, " the city." It was the residence of Svphax, Masinissa, and 
the other rulers of the land. At a later period, Julius Caesar gave it to 
a certain Sittius, who aided him with his followers against Scipio and 
Juba. The place now changed its name to Sittianorum Colonic. In 
the time of the emperor Constantine, having suffered much on account 
of its fidelity to that prince, the latter repaired and embellished it, and 
gave it the name of Constantino.. This name remains with a slight 
variation to the present day, and the small city, built upon the ruins of 
the ancient capital is still called Cosantina. ... p. 16. 

Creta. A large island in the Mediterranean, now Candia, said to 
have had, in early times, a hundred cities. Q. Metellus received the 
surname of Crcticus, from his having brought the war in this island to a 
close. 

Crotona, or Croto, now Cotrone, a powerful city of Magna Graecia, 
in the territory of the Bruttii, on the coast of the Sinus Tarentinus. It 
was distinguished for its attachment to the doctrines of the P 
sect, and the consequent purity and morality of its inhabitant 
and the love of pleasure, DO M in at last, ami all the 

good effects which had ua. Until 

this change took place, tin I remarkable for their hardi- 

hood and vigour, and had conquered and destroyed the wealthy and 
effeminate city ot 5 proof, inel- DM of 

its inhabitants, and then skill in tthk .monly 

said, that thi 'ona was the first of the other Greeks. 

When, however, the change look place in their own mo 
crated to such I engaged in hostilities with the 

Locnans, an annv of i:H).<>< « routed by 10,000 of the 

enemy on the banks o\' the Sagra. After this, it gradually declined in 
importance, until the inhabitants, unable to hold out :mibal, 

retired to Locn, when the Rom. it. Pliny 

merely calls it an Opindum. .... p. 101. 

Cyrenk. A citv of Africa, the capital of Cvrenaica, near the coast 
of the Mediterranean. It was found* ttna, who led thither a 

colony of Dorians from the island of Then. In the immediate neigh- 
bourhood of the settlement was a copious spr: 

which the new comers are said to have called the fountain of Apollo, 
and to have converted the native appellation for the same into the Greek 
Kvfjr/, from which arose the name Cyrenc, (Ktpfcm, 1 
Ovrene became, in process of time, a powerful city, under an independent 
line of princes, until Ptolemy Apion, the last monarch, bequeathed the 
capital, together with all the territory of Cvrenaica to the Roman | 
The silphmm, a species of laserpitium. orassafoetida, formed a great article 
of trade in Cvrenaica. The capital stood a little inland, and had Apol- 
lonia, now Marza Susa, for its port. The modern name of Ojn 
Curin. .......... p. 14. 

D. 

Durius. A river of Spain, now the Douro. rising in the chain of 
Mons Idubeda, and near the sources of which stood the ancient c 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 301 

Numantia, It empties into the Atlantic, after a course of nearly 300 
miles, but is navigable only seventy miles from its mouth, on account 
of its rapid current. At the mouth of the Durius stood Portus Calles, 
now Oporto, from a corruption of which arose, the modern name of 
Portugal. The classical appellation for Portugal, however, is Lu- 
sitania. 



E. 

Etruria. A district of Italy, lying north and west of the Tiber. 
The origin of the Etrurian nation is unknown, although many, without 
any very strong reasons for the opinion, regard them as having been a 
Celtic race. Their civilization came in with the Tyrrheni, who appear 
to have been identical with the Pelasgi. The statement of Herodotus, 
that the Tyrrheni, or Etrurians, were of Lydian origin, appears to refer 
merely to a Pelasgic emigration. The Etrurians excelled in the know- 
ledge of augury, and in the worship of the gods. In these respects the 
Romans seem to have done little more than adopt the ceremonies and 
institutions of their neighbours, who were for a long period their de- 
termined and powerful enemies. After long continued war and much 
carnage, the Romans obtained a complete victory over them, and com- 
pelled them to submit to such conditions as they chose to dictate. The 
Etrurians were divided into twelve states, of which each adopted that 
form of government which seemed most agreeable, though the leading 
feature in all was aristocratic. The want of a common bond of union 
contributed verv materially to their final subjugation by the Romans. 
Etruria corresponds, in a great measure, to the present Grand Duchy 
of Tuscany. ......... p- 93. 

F. 

"lae. Now Ficsoli, a town of Italy, in Etruria, southeast of 

Pistoria. Here Catiline raised the standard of rebellion. In modern 

times, it is rather a village than a town. The Goths, when they entered 

Italy, under the consulate of Stilico and Aurelian, A. D. 400, were de- 

d in the vicinity of this place p. 92. 



Gaetuli. The inhabitants of Gaetulia, in Africa. Gaetulia lay to 
the south of Numidia, and answers in some degree to the modern Be- 
ryl. The Gaetuli, like the Numidians, excelled in horsemanship, 
and, like them, rode barebacked. .... p. 13. 

Gallia. An extensive country of Europe, lying between the Rhine, 
the Alps, the Mediterranean, the Pyrenees, and the ocean. It was more 
extensive, therefore, to the north and east than modern France. The 
name Galli, given to the inhabitants by the Roman writers, is the Celtic 
term Gael, Latinised. The Greeks called them Kelrai, and their coun- 
try KcXtikti and Ta^aria. 

Gallia Citerior. Called also Gallia Cisalpina, a name given by the 
Romans to that part of Italy which lay between the Alps and the rivers 
Rubicon and Macra. It was occupied by various Gallic tribes, which 

28 



302 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

had poured over the Alps into this extensive tract of country. Livy 
assigns to these migrations the date of 600 B. C. ; but in all probability 
they were much earlier. 

Gallia Cispadana. Gaul south of the Padus, or Po ; or, in other 
words, that part of northern Italy which lay between the Po and the 
rivers Rubicon and Macra. The remaining portion between the Po and 
the Alps, was called Gallia Transpadana. 

Gallia Togata. Commonly regarded as only another name for 
Gallia Cisalpina, but applying in strictness merely to Gallia Cispadana. 
The name has reference to the country's being occupied by individuals 
who enjoyed the rights of Roman citizenship, or, in other words, the 
privilege of wearing the toga. These inhabitants appear to have been 
settled here in colonies after the Gauls were driven out. (Compare 
Manner t, Geogr., vol. x., part 1, p. 133.) 

Gallia Transalpina. Gaul beyond the Alps, or Gaul Proper. 

H. 

Hadrumetum. The capital of Byzacium, a district of Africa Propria. 
The place, according to Sallust, was of Phoenician origin, and owed its 
prosperity, in a great measure, to the fertility of the surrounding coun- 
try ; since, although situate near the coast, it does not appear to have had 
any harbour. It suffered severely in Caesar's wars, but was afterwards 
restored and enlarged by a colony being sent hither in the time of the 
emperors, especially Trajan. The place was destroyed by the Saracens. 
Its site has been made a matter of much discussion at the present day. 
D'Anville places it near the modern Susa, in the territory of Tunis. 
Shaw makes it the same with Hamamet. (Mannert, Geogr., vol. x. 
part 2, p. 244.) , p. 14. 

Hippo. A city of Numidia, in the western part, on a bay near the 
promontory of Hippi. It was called Hippo Regius, not only to dis- 
tinguish it from Hippo Zarytus, a town on the coast to the west of Utica, 
but also from its having been one of the royal cities of the Numidian 
monarchs. The place was of Phoenician origin. St. Augustine was 
bishop here. Near the ancient site is a town named Bona. . p. 14. 

Hispania. An extensive country, forming a kind of peninsula, in the 
southwestern part of Europe. It was divided into Hispania Citerior 
and Ulterior. Hispania Citerior was also called Tarraconensis, from 
Tarraco (now Tarragona) its capital, and extended from the foot of the 
Pyrenees to the mouth of the Durius (now Douro) on the Atlantic shore ; 
comprehending all the north of Spain, together with the south, as far as 
a line drawn below Carthago Nova, (now Carthagena,) and continued 
in an oblique direction to the river Durius, passing by Salamantica 
(now Salanunica). Hispania Ulterior was divided into two provinces, 
Baetica, in the south of Spain, between the Anas (now Guadiana) and 
Citerior ; and above it Lusitania, corresponding, in a great measure, to 
modem Portugal. Baetica answers to modern A?idalusia. p. 4. 

I. 

Italia. Of this well-known region, it will be sufficient here to give 
merely the main divisions. The peninsula of Italy was anciently divided 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 303 

into Gallia Cisalpina, in the north, from the Alps to the rivers Rubicon, 
on the upper, and Macra, on the lower coast ; Italia Propria, in the 
centre, and Magna Graecia, in the south. The last of these took its 
name from the Greek colonies settled there, and comprehended the prov- 
inces of Campania, Apulia, Lucania, Messapia, and Bruttium. All 
between Magna Graecia and the rivers Rubicon and Macra, was 
Italia Propria, and under the immediate jurisdiction of the senate and 
people. 



Lares. A town of Africa Propria, west of Zama Regia, and south 
of Sicca Venerea. Its site is supposed to be marked at the present 
dav by the modern Larbuss. (Bischoff und Moller, Worterb. der Geogr., 
p. 682.) p. 61. 

Latium. A country of Italy, lying south of Etruria, from which it 
was separated by the river Tiber. In it stood Rome, Alba, Lavinium, 
Tusculum, Arpinum, Praenestc, &c. The name of Latium was at first 
given to that portion of Italy only, which extends from the mouth of the 
Tiber to the promontory of Circeii : but subsequently this latter boundary 
was removed to the river Liris, whence arose the distinction of Latium 
Antiquum and Novum. At a still later period, the southern boundary 
of Latium was extended from the Liris to the mouth of the river Vultur- 
nus and the Massic hills. . ..... p. 47. 

Leptis. There were two cities of this name in Africa. 1. The firsts 
called for distinction sake Leptis Magna, was situate towards the 
greater Syrtis, at the southeast extremity of the district of Tripolis. 1% 
was founded by the Phoenicians, and ranked next to Carthage and Utica, 
among their maritime cities. Under the Romans, it was signalized, as 
Sallust informs us, by its fidelity and obedience. It was destroyed by 
the Vandals, rebuilt by the emperor Justinian, and finally demolished by 
the Saracens. Lebida now marks the ancient site. 2. The other city 
of Leptis, called also Leptis Parva, was situate in Africa Propria, in 
the district of Byzacium, or Emporiae, about eighteen miles below Ha- 
drumetum, on the coast. It is now Lcmpta. This city paid a talent 
a dav to the Carthaginians as tribute, which will serve to give us some 
idea of its commercial prosperity, and the productiveness of the sur- 
rounding district. The Phoenicians, according to Sallust, were its 
founders P-14, 51. 

Libya. The name given by the Greek writers and the Roman poets 
to what was otherwise called Africa. In a more restricted sense, the 
name has been applied to that part of Africa which contained the two 
countries of Cyrenaica and Marmarica, together with a very extensive 
region inland, and which was generally styled Libya Interior. . p. 13. 

Ligures. The natives of Liguria'. This country formed part of 
Cisalpine Gaul, and lay along the shores of the Sinus Ligusticus, or 
gulf of Genoa, between the Varus on the west, and the Macra on the 
east. The Ligures appear to have been a numerous and powerful people, 
extending at an early period along the shores of the Mediterranean, from 
the mouth of the Rhodanus to that of the Arnus, reaching also into the 
interior of Gaul, and the valleys of the maritime Alps. In the days of 
the Roman dominion, however, their limits were contracted as first abov$ 



304 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

stated. The Ligurians were a bold and hardy mountaineer-race, and 
they were not conquered by the Romans until after many years of war- 
fare. The possession of their country was important, as affording 
the easiest communication with Gaul and Spain over the maritime 
Alps. . . p. 27. 

M. 

Macedonia. A country of Europe, lying to the west of Thrace, and 
north and northeast of Thessalv. It was reduced under the Roman 
sway by Paulus Aemilius, who defeated and took prisoner its last monarch 
Perses, in the memorable battle of Pydna. Before the time of Philip, 
father of Alexander, all the country beyond the river Strymon, and even 
the Macedonian peninsula, from Amphipoiis to Thessalonica, belonged 
to Thrace, and Paeonia likewise on the north. But, when enlarged 
by conquest, the limits of Macedonia were from the river Nessus in 
Thrace to the Ionian sea, including Paeonia, and Illyria beyond lake 
Lychnitis. As a Roman province, however, Macedonia did not include 
Epirus. ......... p. 25. 

Massilia. A celebrated colony of the Phoceans, on the Mediter- 
ranean coast of Gaul, n > f 'lcs. It became at an early p« 
powerful and flourishing city, and was famed for ill commerce. 

The most prosperous period in its historv would seem to have been the 
interval from the fall of Carthage, with which city it had frequent col- 
lisions, to the commencement of the r r and Pom- 
pey. This city was always the firm ally of Rome. It suffered severely 
in the civil wars from its attachment to the party of Pompey, being 
compelled to sustain a severe siejje, in which its fleet was destroyed, 
and, after lOITendering, to pav a heaw exaction. Massilia became after- 
wards, in the days o( Augustus, famous as a seat of science, and the 
rival of Athens. p. 96. 

Mauretania. A country of Africa, lvinir to the west of Numidia, 
and answering now to the modern Fes and Morocco. It was, properly 
speaking, in the time of Boeehus, bounded bv the river Mulucha, now 
Malva, on the east, and corresponded nearly to the modern Fez ; but, 
in the time of the emperor Claudius, the western part of Numid 
added to this province, under the name of Mauretania Caesariensis, the 
ancient kingdom of Mauretania being now called, for distinction 
Mauretania Tingitana, from its principal city Tingis, or Old To 
on the west of the straits. . ..... 

Medi. The people of Media, in Upper Asia. Their country lay to 
the east of Assyria, and was separated from Armenia on the north by 
the river Araxes. The capital was Ecbatana, now Hammadan. When 
first mentioned in historv, the Medes were a brave people. Like other 
states, wealth and power rendered them indolent and luxurious, and they 
fell beneath the arms of Cvms. . . . . p. 13. 

Mulucha. A river of Africa, separating Mauretania from Numidia, 
In the time of Bocchus. It is now the Malra. . . p. 15. 

Muthul. A river of Numidia, supposed to have been a branch of 
the Bagradas. . . p. 3a. 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 305 



N. 

Numantia. A town of Spain, near the sources of the river Durius, 
celebrated for the brave resistance which it made against the Romans 
for the space of fourteen years. It was built upon an eminence of no 
great height, between two branches of the Durius, and surrounded by a 
very thick wood on three sides. One path alone led down into the 
plain, and this was defended by ditches and palisades. The great length 
of time it withstood the Romans may be easilv accounted for by its dif- 
ficult situation, and the circumstance of its circuit being so large, that 
within it were even pastures for cattle. The place was at last reduced 
by Scipio Africanus Minor, the conqueror of Carthage. The Numan- 
tines had withstood an army of 40,000 men with less than one fourth of 
that number, and had not only hitherto held out, but frequently gained 
very considerable advantages over the enemy, and obliged them to ac- 
cede to dishonourable treaties. The remains of Numantia may be still 
seen near Puente de Don Garray. . . . . . p. 5. 

Numidia. A country of Africa, east of Mauretania, and correspond- 
ing, in a great measure, to the modern Algiers. It was originally 
divided into two petty kingdoms, that of the Massyli to the east, and of 
the Massaesvli to the west, the line of separation between them being 
marked by the Tretum Promontorium, and a part of the river Ampsagas, 
Syphax was monarch of the Massaesvli, and Massinissa of the Massyli. 
The territory of Svphax was bestowed upon Massinissa by the Romans, 
after the close of the second Punic war, and he was allowed to enjoy 
the possession of them until the day of his death. After the termination 
of the Jugurthine contest, the Romans appear to have taken no part 
of the kingdom of Numidia to themselves, but to have distributed it 
among the different surviving branches of the royal line. In the civil 
wars between Caesar and Pompey, Juba, the great grandson of Massinissa, 
had the misfortune to espouse the side of the latter. After the victory of 
Thapsus, therefore, Caesar declared the whole kingdom of Numidia to 
be a Roman territory ; and Sallust, the historian, was sent thither as 
its governor. The western district around Cirta was at the same time 
bestowed upon Sittius in recompense for his services. Augustus be- 
stowed upon Juba, son of the first Juba, his father's former kingdom, 
with some important additions, under the general name of Mauretania. 
And finallv, the change introduced by the emperor Claudius, divided the 
whole country from the Ampsagas to the Atlantic into Mauretania Cae-. 
sariensis and Tingitana. ( rid. Mauretania.) 

P. 

Peligni. An Italian tribe belonging to the Sabine race, situate to 
the east and northeast of the Marsi. Their chief town was Cornnium, 
which was selected by the allies in the social war as the seat of their 
new empire. The country of the Peligni was small in extent, and noted 
for the coldness of its climate. . . • . . p. 72. 

Persae. The natives of Persia. In its utmost extent, the kingdom 
of Persia comprehended all the countries between the Indus and Aegean 
sea, and between the range of Caucasus and the Indian ocean, the pen- 

28* 






306 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

insula of Arabia alone excepted. In its more limited acceptation, the 
name Persia, or rather Persis, denoted a particular province of this vast 
empire, bounded on the east by Carmania, on the north by Media, on 
the<west by Susiana, and on the south by the Persian gulf. This is 
sometimes called the royal province of Persia. It was the seat of the 
race before they commenced their conquests. • . . p. 13. 

Philenon Arae. Altars erected by the Carthaginians in memory 
of the brothers Phileni. They stood in the innermost bend of the Syrtis 
Major, and not, as Sallust erroneously states, {Jug. 19,) to the west of 
both the Syrtes. The story of the Phileni, as given by the historian, 
wears, to many, a very doubtful appearance, from the circumstance of 
Cyrene's being so much nearer to the point in question than Carthage. 
If the distance between these two cities be divided into eight equal 
parts, the Phileni will be found to have travelled six, and the deputies 
from Cyrene only two, of these parts. The truth, however, ap- 
pears to be, that the territory in dispute between the two powers, lay 
between Hesperis on the Cyrenean side, and Leptis Magna on the 
Carthaginian, and that the deputies started actually from these two 
points, not from Carthage and Cvrene. (Manncrt. Geogr., vol. x., 
part 2, p. 116.) . . p. 14, 52. 

Phoen'uks. The people of Phoenicia. Their country extended 
along the coast of Syria, from the lira Eleutherus to mount Carmel, a 
distance of about thirt \ graphical miles. The breadth was very 

limited, the ranges of Libanus and Antilibanus forming the utmost bar- 
rier to the east. The Phoenicians were a branch of that widely-cx* 
race, known by the common appellation of Aramean, or Semitic. They 
were remarkable for their i i ommercial connexions, and their 

numerous colonies. Thev wore famed also for their early civilization, 
and their successful cultivation of manufactures and the a: p. 14. 

Picenim. A district of Italy, alon£ the Adriatic, south and south- 
east of Umbria. The inhabitants wen- ot Sabine origin. Their country 
was considered as one of the most fertile parts of Italy, and the produce 
of its fruit-trees was particularly esteemed. ... p. 93. 

Pistoria. A town of Etruria, about twenty Italian miles northwest 
of Florentia, on the Stella, which falls into the Omhroac, a northern 
branch of the Arnus, or Arno. Pliny (H. X 3. 5) calls it Pistorium ; 
but Ptolemy and others give it the appellation of Pistoria. The modern 
name is Pistoia. This place is memorable from having witnessed in 
its vicinity the close of Catiline's desperate career. The spot on which 
the action was fought is too imperfectly marked by the concise 
tive of Sallust to be now recognised. We mav conjecture, however, 
that it was to the north of Pistoui, and near the modern road from that 
place to Modena. (Cramer's Ancient Italy, vol. L, p. 177.) p. 114. 

R. 

^ Reate. An old Sabine town, on the river Velinus, a branch of the 
Nar. Its modern name is Rieti. Reate was only a praefecture in 
Cicero's time. In the days of Suetonius, however, it was a municipium. 
It was famed for its breed of mules. Tne vallcw of the Vein 
which this city was situated was so delightful, as to merit the appellation 
of Tempe. 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 307 

RhegTum. One of the most celebrated and flourishing cities of Magna 
Graecia, at the extremity of Italy, in the territory of the Bruttii. It is 
supposed to have been founded nearly 700 years B. C, by a party of 
Zancleans from Sicily, together with some Chalcidians, from Euboea, 
and Messenians from the Peloponnesus. Its name is supposed to allude 
to the great catastrophe by which Sicily was broken off in early days 
from Italy ('Pfiyiov a pijywfii, frango.) Some, however, consider the 
name of the place as of Oscan origin. The modern appellation is 
Rcggio. p. 20. 

Rhodii. The people of the island of Rhodes. This celebrated island 
lay to the southwest of the coast of Caria, and about forty-three miles 
distant from the main land. Rhodes sided with the Roman power, and 
became a valuable auxiliary to their rising greatness. In return for the 
important services thus rendered, it received from its new friends the 
territories of Lycia and Caria ; but suspicion and distrust eventually 
arose, the Rhodians were deprived of their possessions in Asia, and, at 
last, in the reign of Vespasian, of their freedom. Rhodes was famed 
for its Colossus, or statue of the sun, the work of Chares, who spent 
twelve years in the execution. An earthquake threw it down after it 
had stood erect for sixty-six years. It remained in ruins for 894 years, 
until A. D. 672, when the Saracens sold it to a Jewish merchant of 
Edessa, who loaded 900 camels with the brass. . . p. 106. 

Roma. Of this celebrated city, it will be sufficient here to remark, 
that it stood on the southern bank of the Tiber, below the junction of 
that river and the Anio, and about fifteen miles from the sea. It was 
divided into twenty-four regions or wards, had seven great, and thirteen 
smaller, aqueducts, thirty-seven gates, and six hundred and forty-four 
towers on the walls. Its population, when greatest, did not proba- 
bly fall much below four millions. The seat of empire was transferred 
to Bvzantium, by Constantine, A. D. 328 ; and Rome itself w r as taken . 
by Odoacer, king of the Heruli, A. D. 476, which put an end to the 
empire of the west. 



Samnites. A people of Italy, whose territory, Samnium, lay to the 
east of Campania and the lower extremity of Latium. The Samnites 
were of Sabine origin, and famed for their valour, which displayed itself 
in their long conflict with the Roman power. They only ceased to 
exist as a nation after their overthrow by Sylla. ... p. 108. 

Sicca. A city of Numidia, on the river Bagradas, and at some dis- 
tance from the coast. It was called Sicca Venerea, from a temple of 
Venus which it contained. Bochart and De Brosses derive the name 
of Sicca from the Punic Succoth Benoth, (i. e. " tabernacula puellarum,") 
and make Bcnoth ("puella'') the origin of the word Venus among the 
Romans. According to Shaw, the modern Kaff stands near the site of 
the ancient city. This, however, is doubtful. ... p. 39. 

Sicilia. A well-known island in the Mediterranean, separated from 
Italy by the Fretum Siculum, or Straits of Messina. Its triangular 
shape gave it the appellations of Trinacria and Triquetra, (rpeTg-aKoai, 
and Tpeis-Ztpat.) The promontory nearest Italy was called Pelorum, 
now cape Faro. The one to the south of this w^as Pachynum, now 



308 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

Passaro; and the remaining one Lilybaeum, now Boeo. This last, 
however, is in truth not a mountain-promontory, but a low, flat point of 
land, rendered dangerous to vessels by its sand-banks and concealed 
rocks. Sicilia derived its name from the ancient Siculi, who came into 
this island from Latium. . .... p. 20. 

Sidonii. The people of Sidon, in Phoenicia. This was the oldest, 
and, until eclipsed by its colony Tyre, the most powerful of the Phoeni- 
cian cities. The inhabitants appear to have acquired at an early period 
a pre-eminence in arts, manufactures, and commerce. The modern 
Saide is still a considerable town, but the harbour is nearly choked with 
sand. Sidon was about twenty-four miles north of Tyre. p. 51. 

Suthul. A town of Numidia, of which Sallust alone makes mention. 
M. Barbie du Bocage suspects that this town is the same with that called 
Sufetala (now Sbaitla) in the Itin. Ant. The name Suthul is said to 
signify " the town of eagles." ...... p. 27. 

Syrtes. The Syrtes were two bays or gulfs on the coast of Africa, 
of which the one was called Svrtis Major, the other Syrtis Minor. The 
latter is now termed the gulf of Cahcs, from the ancient city of Tacape, 
which stood at the head of it. It is about forty-: .,>hical miles 

in breadth, and runs up into the continent about seventy-five miles. It 
is opposite to the islands of Sicily and Malta, and was reckoned the 
more dangerous of the two This gulf is still an object of apprehension 
to mariners, in consequence of the variations and uncertainties of the 
tides on a flat and shelvv roast. The S >r is about one hundred 

and eighty geographical mih ,; ie two capes, and }»t ■■ 

hundred miles into the land. T: r, i. c. 

the (ircat S\rtis, and sailors, Si/dra, \ >. 

generally derived from the Greek *if _r," in allusion to the 

agitation of the sand by the force of the tides. (Compare Sallust, 
Juourth. c. 78 ) It is more than probable, however, that the appella- 
tion is to be deduced from I :uch still U .ibic as 
the name for a desert tract or region : for the term Syrtis does not ap- 
pear to have been confined to the mere gulfs th« tat to have 
been extended also to the desert countrv adjacent ■ still at the 
present dav called Scrt. (Compare Rittcr. mlgtm. vcrgkich< 
vol. i., p. 929.) . . p. 1 I 



Tama. Now Wad-al-Thainc, a river of Africa Propria, in the district 
of Byzacium, falling into the sea to the north of S r. p. 61. 

Terracixa. A city of Latium, called also Anxur, situate on the sea- 
coast, in a northeastern direction from the Circean promontorv. 
was probably its Volscian name. We learn from Horace that this city 
stood on the lofty rock at the foot of which the modem Tcrracina is 
situate. According to Strabo, it was first called Trachma. a Greek ap- 
pellation, indicative of the ru^gedness of its situation. p. 103. 

Thala. A city of Numidia. the true position of which is unknown. 
It is generally supposed to have been the same with Telepn 
reanach. . . . p. 49. 

Thera. An island of the Aegean sea, forming one of the Sporades, 
and situate about seven hundred stadia from the Cretan coast, m a north- 



GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 309 

east direction. The modern name is Santorin. This island is supposed 
to have been of volcanic origin, as, according to some accounts, two 
islands near it rose on a sudden from the sea. Its earlier name was 
Calliste, in allusion to its beauty. .... p. 14. 

Thirmida. A town of Numidia, the situation of which is unknown. 
Dr. Shaw places it near the coast. ..... p. 7. 

Thracia. A mountainous country, between the Strymon and Euxine 
from west to east, and the chain of mount Haemus and the shores of 
the Aegean and Propontis f r om north to south. The inhabitants were 
brave, but comparatively uncivilized. The modern name is Roumilia 
(Roum-ili.) p. 27. 

Tisidium. A town of Numidia, supposed by some to have been the 
same with what Ptolemy calls Thisica, between the city of Thabraca 
and the river Bagradas. M. Barbie du Bocage, however, suspects it to 
have been identical with Tisdrurn, a large city in the district of Empo- 
ria, now El-Jcm. p. 43. 

Trans pad anus. Vid. Gallia Cis 



U. 

Utica A city of Africa, on the seacoast, southwest of Carthage, 
and separated from its immediate district by the river Bagradas. Utica 
was the earliest, or one of the earliest, colonies planted by Tyre on the 
African coast ; and Bochart derives the name from the Phoenician Atike, 
i. e. " ancient." The Greek name of the place, '\tvkti, is perhaps a cor- 
ruption of this. Justin makes Utica more ancient than Carthage. It 
was more or less dependant, however, on the power of this latter city, 
and hence the disaffection frequently shown by its inhabitants to the Car- 
dan cause. Utica rose in importance after the fall of Carthage. 
When, however, Carthage was rebuilt, it again took the second rank. 
Here Cato the younger put an end to his existence, whence the name 
Utircnsis criven him in history. The remains of Utica are to be seen 
near the modem Porto Farina, in the district of Tunis. . p. 18. 



V. 

Vaga. Called also Vacca, a city of Africa, west of Carthage, on 
the river Rubricatus, and celebrated among the Numidian trading- 
places for its extensive traffic. D'Anville and Barbie du Bocage re- 
cognise traces of the ancient name in the modern Vegja, or Beja, in 
the district of Turns. The modern name of the Rubricatus is Wad-el- 
Berber. P- 20. 



Zama. A citv of Africa, called Zama Regia, and lying some distance 
to the southwest of Carthage, and to the northwest of Hadrumetum. 
Sallust describes it as a large place, and strongly fortified. It became 
the residence subsequently of Juba, and the deposite for his treasures. 



310 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX. 

Strabo speaks of it as being in his days a ruined city ; it probably met 
with this fate during the civil wars. It appears to have been afterwards 
rebuilt, and to have become the seat of a bishopric. The modern 
Zowarin marks the ancient site. There was another Zama, five days' 
journey west of Carthage, according to Polybius (15, 5). Near this lat- 
ter place was fought the famous battle between the elder Africanus and 
Hannibal. . . p. 39. 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 



•■^^.^■V* 'VVW'VWW^'V w 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 



A. 

Aborigines. Vid. Geographical Index. 

Adherbal. Son of Micipsa, and grandson of Masinissa, besieged at 
Cirta, and put to death by Jugurtha, after imploring in vain the aid of 
Rome, B. C. 112. Gesenius conjectures the origin of this proper 
name, from the Hebrew Addir, ( u great,") and Baal. (* 4 lord.") ClaucQan 
touches slightly on the history of Adherbal, (15, 409.) 

Aemilils Paillus. Vid. Lepidus. 

Aemilius Scaurus. Vid. Scaurus. 

Albinus. Aulus Postumius, brother of Spurius Postumius Albinus, 
the consul, who obtained by lot Numidia for his province, B. C. 112. 
Aulus, and the Roman army entrusted to his care by his brother, were 
entrapped by Jugurtha, and compelled to pass under the yoke. The senate 
i to ratify the treaty which he made on this occasion with the 
Numidian monarch. Livy (Ep. 64) calls him lieutenant-general, not 
propraetor, the term applied by Sallust. 

Spurius Postumius, elected consul with If. Minucius Rufus, 
112 B. C; and who, in the allotment of the provinces, obtained Numi- 
dia, while his colleague got Macedonia. He appears to have been a com- 
mander of very inferior abilities, and was repeatedly foiled and baffled by 
Jugurtha. Being compelled to return to Rome, to attend the elections, 
he left his army in charge of his brother Aulus, whom Jugurtha entrapped 
and compelled to pass under the yoke. On returning to Africa, he was 
forced by the wretched state of the troops to remain inictive. In this 
condition he resigned the army to Metellus, who superseded him in the 
command. 

Aw ius, Lucius. A tribune of the commons, who made a vigorous 
effort to retain his office, after the expiration of his legal term. He was 
aided in this attempt by one of his colleagues, P. Licinius Lucullus, in 
opposition to the other tribunes ; and the struggles of these two prevented 
the election of the other magistrates during a whole year. 

Annus, Quintals. A man of senatorian rank, who entered into the 
conspiracy of Catiline. He effected his escape, when some of the ring- 
leaders were apprehended, and appears to have eluded the search of the 
agents of government, and to have gone unpunished. 

Antonius, Caius. A Roman, son of M. Antonius, the orator, and 
brother of M. Antonius Creticus, the father of the triumvir. He was 
originally in habits of very great intimacy with Catiline, and the arrange- 
ment was that these two should stand for the consulship, and, if they 

29 



314 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

succeeded, commence, while in this high office, their plans of revolution. 
Cicero defeated this scheme, and, being elected consul with Antonius for 
his colleague, succeeded in detaching the latter from the conspiracy, and 
from every other design formed against the state. He effected this de- 
sirable object by yielding to Antonius the rich province of Macedonia, 
which had fallen to his own lot. In the action between the forces of 
Catiline and those of the republic, Antonius took no part, having been 
prevented, according to Sallust, by a complaint in his feet. Dio Cassius, 
however, states expressly, that he feigned illness on this occasion, through 
fear of encountering the reproaches of Catiline, in case they should meet 
in the fight. After the conspiracy was crushed, Antonius went to his 
province of Macedonia, where he continued for two years, but, on his 
return to Rome, he was brought to trial, and banished, for having been 
guilty of extortion, and having made war beyond the limits of his pro- 
vince, (Liv. Epit. 103.) He was a man of very dissolute habits, and 
before he obtained the consulship had been expelled by the censors from 
the senate for immoral conduct. 

Aspar. A Numidian, sent to the court of Bocchus by Jugurtha, to 
obtain secret information respecting the intentions of the Mauretanian 
king with respect to himself and the Roman people. He was outwitted 
by Bocchus and Sylla, and the immediate consequence was the capture 
of Jugurtha. 

Aurelia Okesttt.la. A female of threat beauty, but very corrupt prin- 
ciples. Catiline offered her his hand in marriage, which she refused to 
accept, because he had a son by a former marriage, arrived at man's 
estate. To remove this obstacle Catiline put his son to death by ad- 
ministering poison. (Compare Val. Max. 9, 1.) 

Autroniis, P. A Roman of senatorian rank, who became consul 
elect, but afterwards lost the consulship on a charge of bribery. The 
consequent disgrace in which this involved him led him very probably to 
join the party of Catiline. After the overthrow of that party he succeeded 
in making his escape. 

B. 

Baebius, C. A tribune of the commons, on whom Jugurtha prevailed, 
by dint of bribery, to espouse his cause, and interpose his veto, when the 
Numidian prince was summoned before the Roman people. 

Bellienus, L. The Roman praetor at Utica, whom Marius summoned 
to attend a council at Cirta, towards the end of the Jugurthine war. 
According to some he was the maternal uncle of Catiline. 

Bestia, L. Calpumius. A Roman nobleman, who held the consulship 
with Scipio Nasica, B. C. 113. It fell to his lot to carrv on the war m 
Numidia against Jugurtha, where, however, he acquired no fame, but 
was led by his avaricious feelings to receive a heavy bribe, and conclude 
a disadvantageous and dishonourable peace with Jugurtha. He was 
condemned under the Mamilian law, and died in exile. Besides the 
charges brought against him by Sallust, Pliny the elder mentions that 
M. Caecilius brought him to trial for poisoning at least two of his 
by wolfsbane. 

Bocchus. King of Mauretania, who betrayed Jugurtha into the hands 
of the Romans. He obtained as the reward of his treachery the western 
part of Numidia. 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 315 

Bomilcar. An officer in the army of Jugurtha, to whom he entrusted 
secret and important business. He conspired along with Nabdalsa 
against his master, but the plot was discovered and he lost his life. 

Brutus, D. Junius. The husband of Sempronia. His residence was 
near the forum, and into it Umbrenus took the ambassadors of the Allo- 
broges, and discovered to them the conspiracy of Catiline. From 
Sallust's mentioning that the meeting was held in his house when Brutus 
was from home, the presumption is that he had no knowledge of the 
conspiracy ; although his wife Sempronia was an accomplice. 

C. 

Caesar, C. Julius. Son of Caius Caesar, and Aurelia the daughter of 
Cott*. He was born in the sixth consulship of Marius, B. C. 99. When 
only in his seventeenth year, he obtained the office of Flamen Dialis or 
High-priest of Jupiter. His marriage with Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, 
excited against him the hatred of Sylla, whose suspicion he had previously 
incurred from his aunt Julia's being the wife of Marius. He with difficulty 
escaped assassination, and it was only at the intercession of the vestal 
virgins, and in consequence of the entreaties of his relations, that Sylla 
spared his life. The latter, indeed, had the discernment to behold in 
him, even when a mere youth, the germes of future talent and ambition, 
and when he was asked by his friends why he was so anxious to put a 
mere boy to death, his answer was, " In that boy, I see many Mariuses." — 
Of the eventful life of this eminent Roman, it will only be necessary here 
to speak so far as it was connected with the conspiracy of Catiline. His 
principal aim, in the accomplishment of his ambitious schemes, was to 
gain the favour of the populace, and weaken the power of the nobility. 
This brought him at once in contact with Catiline, and, in favouring the 
views of that daring conspirator, his object was to destroy by these 
means the liberty of his country, and then to crush the conspirators 
themselves, and make himself master of Rome. The opinion which 
he gave in the senate, with respect to the punishment of Lentulus, 
jus, and the other accomplices of Catiline ; the threatening con- 
duct of the Roman equites, who guarded the temple where the senate 
met, and his being arraigned as an associate in the conspiracy before the 
senate, sufficiently prove both the public opinion and his own guilt. 

Cxssirs. Vid. Longinus. 

Catilina, L. Sergius. A Roman of patrician rank, and the last of 
the gens Screw. Of his father and grandfather little is known. The 
former would seem to have been in indigent circumstances, from the 
language of Quintus Cicero, (de Pet. Cans. c. 2,) who speaks of Cati- 
line, as having been born amid the poverty of his father. The great 
grandfather, M. Sergius Silus, or Silo, distinguished himself greatly in 
the second Punic war, and was present in the battles of Ticinus, Trebia, 
Trasvmenus, and Cannae. Pliny (H. N. 7, 29) speaks of his exploits 
in a very animated strain. — The cruelty of Catiline's disposition, his un- 
daunted resolution, and the depravity of his morals, fitted him for acting 
a distinguished part in the turbulent and bloody scenes of the period in 
which he lived. He embraced the interests of Sylla, in whose army he 
held the office of quaestor. That monster, in his victory, had in Catiline 
an able coadjutor, whose heart knew no sympathy, and his lewdness no 



316 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

bounds. He rejoiced in the carnage and plunder of the proscribed, grat- 
ifying at one time his own private resentments, by bringing his enemies 
to punishment, and executing at another the bloody mandates of the 
dictator himself. Many citizens of noble birth are said to have fallen 
by his hand, and, according to Plutarch, (Fit. Syll. c. 32. — Fit C\c. 
c. 10,) he had assassinated his own brother during the civil war, and 
now, to screen himself from prosecution, persuaded Sylla to put him 
down among the proscribed, as a person still alive. He murdered, too, 
with his own hands, his sister's husband, a Roman knight, of a mild and 
peaceable character. One of the most horrid actions, however, of whicb 
he was guilty, would seem to have been the killing of M. Marius Grati- 
dianus, a near relation of the celebrated Marius. Sylla had put the name 
of this individual on the list of the proscribed, whereupon Catiline en- 
tered the dwelling of the unfortunate man, exhausted upon his person 
all the refinements of cruelty and insult, and having at length put an end 
to his existence, carried his bloody head in triumph through the streets 
of Rome, and brought \l to Sylla, as he sat on his tribunal in the forum. 
When this was done, the murderer washed his hands in the lustral water 
at the door of Apollov vhich stood in the immediate vicinity. — 

Catiline was peculiarly dangerous and formidable, as his power of dis- 
simulation enabled him to throw a veil over his 9odl was his 
art, tin was poisoning the minds of the Roman youth, he gained 
the friendship and esteem of the severe Catulus. The remainder of his 
career is detailed in the pages of Sallust, and will not need repetition here. 

Cato, M. Porciub, iurnamed Uticensis, on account of his having de- 
stroyed himself at Utica, was the great grandson of Cato the Censor. 
His parents died when he was v. - educated under 

the roof of his mother's brother, Livius Drusus. He was austere in his 
morals, a strict follower of the tenets of the Stoic sect ; and so p 
lover of what was virtuous and right, as to pursue every object of such a 
nature with umi< radiness, regardless of the difficulties which 

he might have to encounter, or of the dangers to which he might be ex- 
posed. Cato exerted himself, though in vain, to stem the torrent of 
Roman luxury and corruption, and in his own person he copied the sim- 
plicity of earlier days. He often appeared barefooted in public, and 
never travelled but on foot. In whatever oiUce he was employed, he 
aiw ays reformed its abuses, and restored the ancient regulations. To the 
qualities of a virtuous man, and the rectitude of a stern patriot, Cato 
added the intrepidity of a brave soldier and the talents of an able general. 
In the affair of the conspiracy, he gave Cicero his constant and vigorous 
support, and it was chierly through his efforts, in opposition to those of 
Caesar, that the accomplices of Catiline were capitally punished. This 
virtuous Roman put an end tu his existence at Utica, after the defeat of 
Juba and Scipio by Cat sar, in the battle of Thapsus. 

CatClus, Q. Lutatius. A noble Roman, conspicuous both for 
his love of country and his private virtues. He was the colleague of 
Marius in the consulship when the Cimbri and Teutones came 
upon the south of Europe, and was engaged with that commander in 
the bloodv battle of the Raudii Campi, where the Cimbri were so sig- 
nally defeated by the Romans. We afterwards rind him censor with 
Crassus ; and, Subsequently to this, opposing attempt to make 

Egypt tributary. Catulus ^ as in politics on the aristocratic side, and 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 317 

of course a warm opponent of Julius Caesar. He was competitor also 
with the latter for the office of pontifex, but unsuccessful in his applica- 
tion. At a later period he obtained the consulship along with M. 
Aemilius Lepidus, B. C. 80, and ten years after this he dedicated the 
temple of Jupiter in the capitol, which had been destroyed by fire. The 
character of Catulus stood deservedly high. A stranger to flattery and 
adulation, he reproved with equal openness the levity of the multitude, 
and the misconduct of the senate. An anecdote is related of him by 
Plutarch, which proves conclusively the estimation in which he was held. 
When it was proposed to invest Pompey with extraordinary power, under 
the Manilian law, for the suppression of the pirates, Catulus opposed the 
step, and one of his arguments was, that the people ought not to expose 
such a man to so many dangers as he was likely to incur in this new 
command, " for," added he, " what other will you have if you lose him ! w 
With one voice the assembled people exclaimed, "Yourself." After a 
long life of honourable usefulness, Catulus was compelled to put an end 
to his days, by order of the sanguinary Marius. In order to effect this, 
he shut himself up in a narrow chamber, newly plastered, and suffocated 
himself by the vapour produced bv a large fire. 

Cethegus, C. Cornelius. A Roman of corrupt morals and turbulent 
character. He filled, at one time, the office of tribune, and was also a 
warm partisan of Sylla, after having originally sided with Marius. Sub- 
sequently, however, losing the influence which he had possessed, he 
joined in the conspiracy of Catiline. Cicero informs us, that in rash- 
ness and daring he surpassed Catiline himself, and almost equalled him 
in strength of body, love of arms, and dignity of birth. In arranging 
the details of the plot, the conspirators assigned to Cethegus the task of 
posting himself at the door of Cicero's bouse, and, after he had forced 
an entrance, of murdering that illustrious Roman. The vigilance of Cicero 
frustrated this design. Cethegus was apprehended along with Lentulus 
and the rest, and strangled in prison. 

Cicero, M. Tullius. An eminent and well-known Roman, born at 
Arpinum, a town cf the Volsci, in Latium, B. C. 107. His father 
although of equestrian rank, had never enjoyed any curule office, and, 
on that account, Cicero frequently calls himself " a new man," (novus 
homoy) as having been the first of his family who had raised himself to 
such a magistracy. After a careful education, in the completion of 
which he travelled over many parts of Greece, Cicero entered on the 
career of office, and it was bis peculiar boast, to have obtained each pre- 
ferment in succession in its own proper year, or, in other words, as soon 
as he was eligible to it. Thus, he obtained the quaestorship at thirty- 
one years of age, the aedileship at thirty-seven, the praetorship at forty, 
and the consulship at forty-three. Our limits will compel us to confine 
ourselves merely to that part of Cicero's history which was connected with 
the conspiracy of Catiline, and only to so much even of this as Sallust 
himself has not touched upon. It was a master stroke of policy on the 
part of Cicero to drive Catiline out of Rome, and force him, as it were, 
into a rebellion before it was ripe, in the hope, that, by carrying out with 
him his accomplices, he would clear the city at once of the whole faction ; 
or, by leaving them behind, without his counsels to guide them, would 
expose them to sure destruction by their own rashness and folly. For 
Catiline's chief trust was not on the open force which he had provided 

29* 



318 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

for the field, but on the success of his secret machination* at Rome, and 
on making himself master of the city. — While the sense cf all his im- 
portant services was still fresh, Cicero was repaid with the most ample 
honours. L. Gellius, moreover, who had been consul and censor, said 
in a speech to the senate, that the republic owed him a civic crown, 
" for having saved them all from ruin/' and Catulus, in a fjll house, de- 
clared him " the father of his country," as Cato did likewise from the 
rostra, with the loud acclamations of the whole people. Party feelings, 
however, eventually gained the ascendency, and the very man who had 
been thus idolized was impeached for putting citizens to death without 
the formality of a trial, and was compelled to yield to the coming storm, 
and retire into voluntary banishment. The individual most active against 
him was Publius Clodius. The charge against him had reference to the 
summary punishment inflicted In* him, in accordance with the on 1 * 
the senate, on Lentulus. Cethegus, I id their associates. Cicero t! 
ed a great want of firmness in exile, his fortitude deserted him, and his 
spirits sunk in deep depression. By the exertions of Pompey and the 
efforts of his other fri< ■• :v the active co-operation of the m 

he was finally recalled T thank* to all the 

cities which had treat* d witfc e illustrious exile, and ordered his 

town and countr\ hich Clod. 

the public i 8 :ch multitudes accompanied him from his landing, 

that he s;iv>, 1 1 a ! . SSIOD, 

which Plutarch i roth. 

ClMTA, L. Cornelius. A Roman nobleman of considerable influence 
and persona] or a t o r y. He em consul with ( 91, but 

was deprived bv Ins colleague of his consular authority, and dm i 
him OUt Of ' he bad bv force DfOC 

1 hnurioui »ssesston of the armv of Appius 

Claudius, a war on the g Ot S T UU M nt. and called to his assist- 

ence Man'. Cinna and M Dtuafly 

triumphed, Rome opened I «1 eacesssi 

committed bv the victors. All the leading men of the party oi 

were put to death, and their pre; I :ina and M 

then declared theinseh . and the latter died on the vcrv first 

day of his entering upon office 1 Valerius Flaccui i him. 

In his thud and fourth consulships Cinna had Cn. Papirius Carbo for 
his colleague, with whom he made preparations for a m -■ Sylla, 

who was then engaged in the operations ; During 

the fourth consulship of Cinna, Julius I his daughtt 

nelia. Cinna eventually, after raising a powerful armamt 
Sylla, was killed by his own men, on a rumour of his having put P<_ i 
then quite a young man, to death. 

Coepakiis. Q. A native of Terracina, and accomplice in the con- 
spiracy of Catiline. He was preparing 

and arm the slaves Igamst the state, at the time the conspiracy was dis- 
covered. Having learned 4 that the plot was detected, he fled from Rome, 
before the officers sent by the consuls to apprehend him arrived at his 
house, but was afterwards taken and strangled in pri- 

CoKNBLros, C. A Roman blight, connected with the conspiracy of 
Catiline, who undertook, in conjunction with L. V lUider 

Cicero the consul, at his own home. 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 319 

Cornificius, Q. A Roman, to whose custody Cethegus was com- 
mitted, before he suffered punishment. 

Crassus, M. Licinius. A celebrated Roman, surnamed the " Rich," 
on account of his great opulence. At first he was very circumscribed in 
his circumstances, but by educating slaves, and selling them for a high 
price, he soon enriched himself. Crassus distinguished himself in the 
war against Spartacus, by defeating that gladiator and killing 12000 of 
his followers. After this, he was chosen consul with Pompey, and, after 
the consulship, obtained the office of censor. His supposed participation 
in the conspiracy of Catiline was probably without any foundation in 
truth. What purpose could Crassus, in fact, propose to himself by en- 
tering into a plot to burn a city, in which his own property was so consid- 
erable ? The enmity which arose between Cicero and Crassus, in con- 
sequence of the alleged guilt of the latter, was so bitter, that, according 
to Plutarch, it would have shown itself by some act of violence on the 
part of Crassus, had not his son Publius, who was very intimate with 
Cicero, prevented him. He even prevailed on his father, eventually, to 
become reconciled to the orator. Crassus became afterwards a member 
of the first triumvirate ; and, obtaining Syria for his province, marched 
against the Parthians, by whom he was defeated and slain. 

Curius, Q. A Roman of good family, whose disgraceful and im- 
moral conduct had caused his expulsion by the censors from the senate. 
11. was connected with the conspiracy, but divulged the secret of such 
a conspiracy's havii. med, to Fulvia, a female of high rank, 

with whom he was intimate. Fulvia communicated the danger which 
threatened the tUte and the lives of the citizens ; and the alarm which 
this occasioned caused the election of Cicero to the consulship. Cicero 
subsequently prevailed upon Curius, through the means of Fulvia, to 
discover to him all the movement* of Catiline, and was thus enabled to 
batil- In return for these services, rewards were voted 

him from the public funds ; but Caesar, whom Curius had named among 
the conspirators, exerted himself against the fulfilment of the public 
promise, and the rewards were not given. 



D. 

Dabar. A descendant of Massinissa, who stood high in the favour 
of Bocchus. He was employed by that monarch in the negotiations 
with Sylia, respecting the seizure of Jugurtha. 

Damasippus. A praetor during the consulship of Papirius Carbo, and 
the jOQUgei Marius. As a follower of the Marian party, he indulged in 
many cruel excesses against the opposite faction, and also against such 
as were suspected of favouring it. He assembled the senate under 
the pretence of business, and then massacred a number of the leading 
noblemen, alleging that they were in the interest of Sulla. (B. C. 84.) 
Sulla, when he gained the ascendency, ordered him to be slain. 

F. 

Fabius Maximus, Q. An illustrious Roman, the well-known op- 
ponent of Hannibal, styled Cunctator, from having saved his country by 



320 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

his wise delay and cautious operations in the field. He is alluded to by 
Sallust in the commencement of the history of the Jugurthine war. 

Fabius Sanga, Q. A Roman nobleman, who enjoyed the right of 
patronage over the state of the Allobroges, on which account their 
deputies at Rome disclosed to him the conspiracy of Catiline. He im- 
mediately communicated the information to Cicero. 

Fioulus, C. Marcius. A Roman, who held the consulship with Julius 
Caesar, B. C. 66. During this year Catiline forrged his plan for the 
overthrow of the government. 

Flamma, C. Flaininius. A Roman with whom Catiline passed a few 
days, at his residence in the territory of Arretium, after the conspiracy 
had been discovered at Rome, and while he was supplying with arms 
the inhabitants of the vicinity. 

Fu l via. A Roman female of high rank, but corrupt principles. Cicero, 
through her means, obtained from Curius secret information of all the 
movements of the conspirators. 

Ful\ The son of a Roman senator, who left Rome to join 

the army of Catiline, but was arrested on the way, brought back to the 
city, and put to death by command of his parent. 

JYai ii S> M. Fulvius. A who was consul aloi: 

Plautius Hyptac >. B C. 127. He joined the party of Caius Gracchus, 
and was killed by the consul Opimius, in the tumultuary 
attendant on the passaj Agrarian law. His house was 1« 

to the ground, and the place on which it had stood declared public 
poop 

Fi i. w:. ML A Roman of senatorian dignity, one of the 

FttftlUS, P. Om of the accomplices of Catiline, remarkable for his 
active and daring spirit. He is the one to whom Sallust alludes under 
the epithet / g among the foremost at the battle 

of IV 

G. 

Gafunus Capito, P. A Roman of Equestrian rank, whom Cicero 
calls Cimber. 11. :\ one of the most worthless of the 

accomplices of Catiline. He suffered capital punishment along with 
Lentulus and the rest. 

Gauda. A Xumidian, of noble extraction, son of Mastanabal, and 
grandson of I nad named as heir to the crown 

o\ Numidia, in case his more immediate descendants should not survive 
to enjoy it. He became weakened in mind by a severe bodily sickness, 
and a tool in the hands o\ Manus, for the prosecution of his am: 
schemes in supplanting Metellus. 

Gracchi. There wen fen of this name, Tiberius Gracchus 

and Caius Gracchus, sons of Tiberius Stomoaktt l 
nelia, the daughter of Scipio Atricanus. Tiberius the elder, was of a 
mild and unruffled temper, bol Caius, violent and irascible. The i 
of the two brothers, in succession, was to have the public lands <.': 
among the citizens. Appian savs. that the nobles and rich men. partly 
by getting possession of the public lands, partly by buying up the snares 
of indigent owners, had made themselves masters of all the lands u\ 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 321 

Italy, and had thus, by degrees, accomplished the removal of the com- 
mon people from their possessions. This abuse stimulated Tiberius 
Gracchus to revive the Licinian law, by which no one could hold more 
than 500 jugera, or about 350 acres of land. The owners, however, 
were to be indemnified for the land they had thus lost. The attempts 
of the Gracchi cost them their lives. Tiberius was slain in a collision 
between his adherents and the party of the nobility headed by Scipio 
Nasica. Caius was slain some years afterwards by the consul Opimius 
and his party. 

Gulussa. Second son of Masinissa. Livy makes him to have re- 
ceived a third of the kingdom, on the death of his father. (Eptt. 50.) 
Sallust, however, states, that both Gulussa and Mastanabal were cut 
off by disease, before their father died ; and that Micipsa, the remaining 
brother, on the demise of his father, succeeded to the whole kingdom. 
In the third Punic war, Gulussa contributed to the conquest of the Car- 
thaginians, and the destruction of their state. 

H. 

Hannibal. Son of Hamilcar, the celebrated general of Carthage. 
He is only once casually alluded to by Sallust. 

Hiemp8al. Son of Micipsa, and brother of Hiempsal. He was as- 
sassinated by persons employed for that purpose by Jugurtha. 

J. 

Jugurtha. Son of Mastanabal. His history is given in full by Sallust, 
throughout the narrative of the Jugurthine war. 

Julius, C. One of the accomplices of Catiline, despatched by him 
into Apulia, to procure additional strength for the conspiracy. 

Julius Caesar, C. Vid. Caesar. 

Julius Caesar, L. Consul with C. Marius Figulus, B. C. 66. 
During their consulship, Catiline formed the design of overturning the 
government, which he attempted to earn- into execution the next year, 
.1 Cicero and Antonius succeeded to the consulship. 

L. 

Laeca, M. Porcius. An accomplice of Catiline, who, in the dead 
of night, convened the leading members of the conspiracy at his own 
house, just before the discoverv of the conspiracy. He was a descendant 
of M. Porcius Laeca, tribune of the commons, who had the law carried 
prohibiting magistrates from punishing a Roman citizen with death, and 
substituting, for capital punishment, banishment and confiscation of 
property. 

Lentulus, P. Cornelius, surnamed Sura. A Roman nobleman, 
grandson of P. Cornelius Lentulus, who was Prtnceps Scnatus. He 
married Julia, sister of L. Julius Caesar, after the death of her first hus- 
band, M. Antonius Creticus, to whom she had born M. Antonius, the 
triumvir. Lentulus was a man of talents, but extremely corrupt in his 
private character. The interest of his family, and the affability of his 
manners, proceeding from a love of popularity, raised him through the 



322 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

usual gradation of public honours to the office of consul, which he ob- 
tained B. C. 73, in conjunction with Cn. Aufidius Orestis Expelled from 
the senate on account of his immoral conduct, he had procured the prae- 
torship, the usual step for being ajrain restored to that body, when 
Catiline formed his design of subverting the government. Poverty, the 
natural consequence of excessive dissipation, added to immoderate vanity 
and extravagant ambition, induced him to join in the conspiracy. The 
soothsayers easily persuaded him that he was the third of the gens Cor- 
nelia, destined by the fates to enjoy the supreme power at Rome. L. 
Cornelius Cinna, and L. Cornelius Sylla, had both attained to that ele- 
vation. His schemes, however, all proved abortive, and he was strangled 
ID prison with the other conspirators who had been arrested. Plutarch 
informs us, that he received the surnan in consequence of his 

having wasted a large sum of the publi< under 

Sylla, who, enraged at his cond . ided a statement of his ac- 

counts in the senate, when Lcntulus, with the utmost indifference, de- 
clared he had no accounts to produce, and contemptuous 
to him the calf of his leg, (sura.) Among ..ins, particularly 

among the boys, the p unit, who missed his it i seated 

as a punishment a certain nuin! • 
upon it. Lentulus, in illusion to that gan. • r just 

accounts for the surname, or rather niekna.. 

other, P. Cornelius. V»l. Spinther. 
Lki'm i i, I, Aemilius, <>r I< Aemilius Leptdoj Paullus, called b] 
lust mi rely L Paullus. He was the brother of M. Aemilius I^epidus, 

' nned with Augustus and M 
In early life d a prosecution against Catiline, audi 

Pl.iiiti.in l.iw. He held the cons:, I '. Claudius Marcellus 

ust from the smote Be 
perished in I of DM triumvirate, being left to his lV 

LonoIkuo, L Cassiu*. A Roman of senatohan rank, who entered 

into the conspirtc .raged to set the city on fire. Be 

Hi tl before the die raordinary corpulence, 

the Jalfuss ne a kind of by-word. 

It 

Monurs Limktam's, G A tribune of the commons, who had 
a bill passed ordering an inquiry into the conduct of the persons who 

had received bribes from Jugurtha, and been guilty of other misde- 
meei 

Mwi.irs. A A lieutcna Dt as 

a confidential deputy, along with Sylla, to Bocchus, king of M 
tania. 

Mam.hs, C. One of the accompl ic line, whom the latter 

sent into Etruria to levy troops and adopt whatever measures ht 
deem in -cessary for th< 1 . nanded the 

right wing of Catiline's army in the final encounter, and fell f._ 
with the greatest bravery in the foremost ranks. Manlius had 
commission in the army oi Sylla, under whom he had acquired cou- 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 323 

siderable experience as an officer, and accumulated great wealth, which 
he soon squandered away. He engaged in the conspiracy to retrieve his 
ruined fortunes. 

Manlius, If. A Roman commander, who held the consulship with 
P. Rutilius Rums, B. C. 107. He was defeated by the Gauls that same 
year. Cicero (Pro Plane. 5) calls him Cn. Manlius, and Eutiopius (5. 1) 
Manius Manilius. 

Manlius Torquatus, L. A Roman commander, who held the con- 
sulship with L. Aurelius CoHa, 67 B. C. He was the particular friend 
of Cicero, who mentions him in terms of high approbation in his letters. 
Sallust calls him L. Torquatus. 

Makcicjs Rex, Q. Consul with L. Caecilius Metellus, B. C. 80. 
"When Catiline, five years after, formed his conspiracy, Q. Marcius Rex 
was sent to Faesulae, to levy troops, and adopt such other measures as 
he might deem proper. He had just returned from a military com- 
mand, had demanded a triumph, and met with opposition from a few 
unprincipled men in the senate. The Marcian family claimed descent 
from Ancus Marcius, and hence the name Marcius Rex. 

is, C. A native of Arpinum, remarkable for his military talents, 
but still more for his cruel and vindictive disposition. Having preserved 
the state by his bravery, he afterwards brought it to the brink of ruin by 
his reckless and uncompromising violence. In early life, he was a 
ploughman, and wrought for hire. Quitting that employment, he entered 
the ranks of the army, and distinguished himself under Scipio at the 
siege and capture of N'uinantia. From the condition of a common sol- 
dier, be gradually rose to the command of the Roman army, and to the 
office of consul. After bringing the war with Jugurtha to a close, he 
ed in two terrible encounters the Teutones and Cimbri, slaving 
an immense number, and taking a vast multitude prisoners. After these 
signal victories, his ambition- .-ought him in collision with Sylla, 

and a desolating civil war was the consequence. To crush the power 
of his rival, Sylla marched the troops which he had raised to carry on 
the war with Mithridates to Rome, and compelled Marius to flee. In 
his banishment he underwent uncommon hardships, from which he was 
in the end released by Cinna's embracing his interests. He then re- 
turned to Rome to satiate his inhuman resentment, and butchered many 
thousands of the citizens. Tired at last with murder and assassination, 
he and Cinna appointed themselves consuls. But Marius, worn out by 
infirmrl lit intoxication, to which he probably had 

recourse to blunt the stings of a guilty conscience, died on the first day 
of his beintz invested with the consulship for the seventh time. 

Massixissa. Son of Gala, king of the Massyli, in Numidia. He was 
brought up at Carthage, where he contracted friendships with the nobles, 
and embraced the interests of the state. As an ally of the Carthaginians, 
he waged a successful war against Svphax. He afterwards crossed 
over into Spain, still on the side of Carthage, and distinguished himself 
by his braven*, activity, and military skill. After Scipio, surnamed 
Africanus Major, had defeated Asdrubal in this country, he found, among 
the prisoners of war, one of the nephews of Marsinissa. The Roman 
commander sent this relative, loaded with presents, to his uncle, and 
gave him an escort for the safety of his person. Struck by this act of 
generosity, Massmissa forgot all former feelings of hostility, and joined 



324 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

his forces to those of Scipio. From this time, he continued a firm and 
faithful ally to his new friends, and it was to his exertions that the Romans 
O'ved many of their victories in Africa, and particularly the one which 
proved so fatal to Asdrubal and Syphax. In the battle of Zama also, 
Massinissa greatly contributed to the overthrow of Hannibal, and the 
Romans rewarded his fidelity by large accessions of territory. He at- 
tained to an advanced age, in the enjoyment of excellent health, and, on 
his death, left his kingdom to be divided by the younger Scipio among 
his three sons, Micipsa, Gulussa, and Manastabal. One circumstance in 
the life of M m worthy of particular attention from its tragical 

nature. He had become possessed of Sophonisba, the captive wife of 
Syphax, to whom he had D* d in earlier davs, and having car- 

ried her to his camp, he married her. But this step displeasing the 
Roman commander, the monarch sent her a cup of poison which she 
readily drank, and expired, while Massinissa abandoned himself to the 
row. 

luine of the commons, and violent foe to the 

power of the nobilitj li- : powerfully and with great 

in ezpoei] rv of Jugurtha, and arousing the 

commons to an assertion of their righto. .na canvass 

for the 

irom an apprehension oold oppose him in his 

evil a< ■■ nouns tVl! . ldgeons of 

hind assassins in the 9 it speaks in 

strong term* of b ra does not allow him a high 

rank an ators. 

• he consul- 
ship with If. Jnn S I ! H« <»' as his 
prorini the war against Jugurtha to a close, 
nv his mOtl 
from the commai i 

and dea i irnarne of N 

and according to Eut 17) a triumph. 

he was sum fuaed 

individual 

him, he \\. 
order to pn l mmotion, into volunt. lee. Marius 

pronounced sentence of ban 
titer which, i bonourab 

filled the office of praetor 
doling the coreoli roops against Catilim 

nation of his j -alpine 

Gaol, and saboeqnenuy held l anion, H- 

ried Qtodia, the sister o\ P. Ckodioa, and km 

istercd by this abandoned a e and 

his political integrity, and bo if 1.1.) 

lie waa surnann d 

which he celebrated funeral a few 

davs only after that parent's d< cease. 

rarnamed I 

Q. Hortensms. On the expiration of his consulship, he obtained, as 
proconsul, the island of Crete tor his province and reduced it beneath 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 325 

the Roman sway, for which he obtained the surname above mentioned. 
He was honoured beside this with a triumph, notwithstanding the opposi- 
tion of Pompey. 

Micipsa. Eldest son of Massinissa, who succeeded to the throne of 
Numidia on the death of his brothers Gulussa and Manastabal, having 
previously to this enjoyed only the one third part of the kingdom as his 
share. Very little is known of the character of this monarch. He 
left two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and Jugurtha as a third by 
adoption. 

• lis Rufus, ML was consul with Sp. Postumius Albinus, B. C. 
IIS. He obtained Macedonia for his province, and carried on a suc- 
cessful war against the Thracians, conquering the Scordisci and Treballi 
in Macedonia. Sallust calls him Quintus, while in Livy and in the con- 
sular calendar he is named Marcus. 

Muhridatf.s. king of Pontus, in Asia Minor, sur- 

named Eupator, and the seventh in succession. He was distinguished 

for ! 1 bravery and military talents, and for the long resistance 

eh he made against the armies of Rome. At last, however, being 

- allies, betrayed by his son Pharnaces, and frequently 

•.ted by the Romans, he was, at his own request, slain by a Gaul, 

thai iot fall into the hands of his enemies. The constitution 

of this monarch was so fortified by antidotes, of many of which he is 

said to have been the inventor, that the strongest and most active poisons 

had no effect upon him. The true form of the name appears to be Mith- 

• s, although the other is sanctioned by custom. 

I brother of the Licinius Murena, who was con- 
sul B. C. 62, and whom Cicero defended. C. Murena was deputy- 
governor (legatus) of Transalpine Gaul when Catiline's conspiracy broke 
out, and secured a number of the malcontents who were endeavouring 
te commotions in his province. 



N. 

A Numidian c«f rank and of great influence with the 
rugtiltha entrusted him with the command of a separate army, 
and !.- provci faithful to his monarch, until Bomilcar induced him to 
. a plot for the ruin of his master. On the discovery o( the 
ad punishment, but Bomilcar was put to dea^h. 
pio. 
I Claudius. A Roman nobleman, grandfather of the 
• ror Tiberius Claudius Nero. When the conspuacy of Catiline was 
d, and the matter was debated in the senate, Nero moved that 
the | duty should be strengthened, and the whcie affair dis- 

atd more fully at a second meeting of that body. T^s motion very 
probablv was intended to produce a unanimous sentence, with the view 
line to the parties to come to an agreemnit, abating, perhaps, 
ewhat the seventv of D. Junius Silanus, snd adding to that of 
Caesar, the former having been m favour of desch, the latter of confisca- 
tion and banishment merely. 

30* 



326 HISTORICAL INDEX. 



0. 



Octaviu8 Rufus, Cn. A Roman officer, who, during the Xumidian 
war, brought over a supply of money to Africa. He must not be con- 
founded with the Octavius who held the consulship with Cinna B. C. 89, 
and who drove his colleague from the city, but was afterwards put to 
death by Cmna and Marius. 

Opimius, L. A Roman nobleman, who held the consulship wi 
Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, and who, while in that office, overpowered 
C. Sempronius Gracchus, the advocate of the Agrarian law. !So fewer 
than three thousand persons wcro slain on this occasion, according to 
Plutarch, and along with Gracchus perished M. Kulvius Flaccu3, a man 
of consular dignity. Opirnius sol q self to be bribed 

by Jugurtha. g brought to trial for this o:l ondomned, 

and went into bi great 

povert) irne of this individual has also descended to later 

in another way. The wine made during his consulship was remarkable 
for having attained to a very great age, and was called Vmum Opimt- 
anum There appears to havo been an uncommon vintage during the 
vas consul utes that he tasted some Opimian 

wine ft years after ; and Pliny informs us. that it was si 

be found when hv prrofc ..stance of two hundred years, and that 

it had the appearance of candied honey. 

Orrstii Aurcha. 



Paullus, I. VtJ L Aemiiius Lcpidus. 

Perses. King of Macedonia. He was the son of Philip by a con- 
cubine feci infenor to Diinetnu.*., the legitimate son of that 
h. By a false accusation, how- i the monarch to 

■■metritis to th-ath Philip, on rx . of the truth, resolved 

-is, and secure t.. vntigo- 
nus ; but his own death, which happened so*'- 

Ahtigonus to death, lv he had been inl 

Phil.n, and irough him that the : 

■■ade known. Becoming : var with t 

mans, lu wa- 

d him in triumph through the streets oi lo was afterwards 

The Romans : - 
him with Bum k: 

With 1 • 

first king of tin 

Pbti utenant q| 

quence of the mdispostion o 
state in the action again** Catiline 1 : . 
the ch 
ne ^d pom ti lc na; 

appear to have Wt n both al 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 327 

to capitulate, Petreius joined the army of the republic in Africa, and, on 
being defeated along with Juba, king of Mauretania, in the battle of 
Thapsus, he and that prince engaged purposely in single combat, that 
they might die an honourable death. Juba soon laid Petreius dead at 
his feet, and then, at his own request, fell by the hand of a slave. 

Piso, Cn. A Roman of good family, but profligate and needy. The 
urgency of his wants, uniting with the depravity of his disposition, insti- 
gated him to any measure which had for its object the convulsion of the 
siate, as the only remedy which could free him from difficulties and 
rmbarrassments He readily entered into the conspiracy of Catiline, 
xecution of the plot, he was at the head of an army to hold 
the Spaniards in subjection The design transpired and necessarily 
..< d its execution Soon after, although only quaestor, he ob- 
tained the government of Hither Spain, with the authority of propraetor, 
bv the interest of Crassus, who wished to set him up in opposition to 
Pompry. The senate assented, in order to have so dangerous a citizen 
it a distance from the seat of government. The Spanish cavalry, which 
formed part of his train, assassinated him soon after his arrival in that 
.try. 

Pompkiu*, On Son of Cn Pompeius Strabo, and the well-known 
opponent of Cae> od his title of Magnus from Sylla, after 

various successes : of that commander. During the troubles 

occasioned by the conspiracy of Catiline, Pompcy was engaged in the 
movements connected with the Mithridatic war, and in settling the affairs 
of Asia. 

Pompeius Rufus, Q A Roman praetor, despatched to Capua, to 
take possession of that place lest it should fall into the hands of Cati- 
line's partisans 

Pompt'inus, C A praetor, during the time of Cicero's consulship. 

crs appointed by Cicero to arrest the Allobrogian 

ambassadors and their train He subsequently, on the expiration of his 

•vcrnment of Gallia Narboncnsis, defeated 

♦he All \olted, and reduced their country to traiv 

\ as honoured with a triumph. Cicero employed 

int in the government of Cilicia, where he distinguished 



R. 

nant under Metellus in the war with 
tha He afterwards held the consulship with Cn. Manlius Maxi- 
B C 167 ntly to this period, he served as lieutenant 

under Q. M< vola, when he attempted to protect the people of 

Asia from the oppression of the farmers of the revenue. In consequence 
I, he fell under the displeasure of the equestrian order, and was 
brought to trial Disregarding both the want of evidence and his un- 
sullied reputation before this impeachment, his judges condemned him, 
and sentenced him to banishment. He retired to Smyrna. Velleius 
Paterculus asserts that he was a man, the very best not only of his own 
time, but of anv ige He had an uncommon knowledge of the military 
art, and introduced many improvements into the Roman discipline. In 
banishment he devoted his time to philosophy and literary pursuits, in- 



328 HISTORICAL INDEX. 

clining to the Stoic doctrines which he had learned under Panaetras. 
He resisted the urgent solicitations of Sylla, then at the head of affairs, 
to quit the place of his retreat and return to Rome. Rutihus wrote in 
Greek the history of his own times, the war against Hannibal, the siege 
of Numantia, at which he fought, and the war in Numidia. The last 
received high commendation for its impartiality In addition to these 
works may be mentioned his own biography, which Tacitus praises, 
Observations on the Greek Philosophers, and Orations on several topics. 
Cicero mentions hia eloquence with respect. He was also an able 
lawyer. 

L A Roman, who read in the senate ■ ch ho 

had received from Faesulae, containing intellige: is, one 

of the accomplices of Catiline, had taken up arms against the sta 1 
a numerous party of follou 

A Roman nobleman, of great ability, who 

held the consulship with M Caecihus Metellus, 13 C 11' 

umphed over the ('arm ; and made the road from Placcntia to Parma, 

hence called the A bad the honour of being appointed 

' nalus, and would h.v ry first 

1 not his splendid talent* been tarnished 

ind other degrading passu agrees with Sal] 

E'ng the unfavou uf the pict 

lly extols his virtues, abilities, and achievements. It is of this tame 
S) relates the well-known anec- 
dote, so illi the high estimation in which he was held 

• d of having received a bribe from a foreign pnnce. 

he conrhiii. Vanus 

n Scaurum y rcfria merctde corruptum, tmperntm 

rdtdissc ait : Acmdtus Scaurus huxc se afinem esse 

s dicti ad- 
I mm ab Uia dementtsstma actxone per- 
tniaci clamore depuht" It is more than probable, therefore, that Sal- 
lust endeavours to de; > a member, 
and a strong advocate for I of the nobility ; while Cicero, on 
the other hi :ne reason to exalt his character 
truth undoubted tmmm He afterwards held 
the ofRce of censor, and the consulship a second time. His name often 
occurs in the w ijreat praise of a work 
of his in t ences and trans- 
actions of hia lifi The orator considers it equal to Xenophon^ 
.iia. 

1 is surname •<, from h> 

tory over Hannibal at Zama, and overthrow of the Car- 

;uded to in - ust 

Scipio, P. Cornelius, surnamed Aemihanus, and also 
Minor. He was the son of Paullus Aemihus. the conqueror of Mace- 
donia, and was adopted into the Scipio line by the son of the elder 
Africanus His name Aemiliar. ;varentage, and that of 

Africanus Minor, (" Young I 4 destroyed Car- 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 329 

thage at the close of the thud Punie war. He is sometimes also styled 
Nuroantmus, from his haying conquered Numantia 

Scipio Nasica, P. Cornelius, married Metella, daughter of Q. Cae- 
cilius Metellus Macedonicus. Cicero, in his treatise on illustrious orators, 
mentions, that, in wit and humour, he surpassed all his contemporaries. 
He obtained the consulship, B. C. 113, with L. Calpurnius Piso Bestia, 
when Italy fell to his lot, and Numidia to that of his colleague. He 
died in office, on which account Bestia returned from Numidia to preside 
at the elections. 

Sempronia. The wife of Decimus Brutus, by whom she became the 
mother of D. Junius Brutus, so well known for the share he took in the 
assassination of Julius Caesar. She engaged in the conspiracy of Cati- 
line, without the knowledge, as it would appear, of her husband. Sallust 
nas drawn her character in a very masterly manner, as that of a bold and 
unprincipled female. 

Junius, held the office of consul with Licinius 

64. They succeeded M. Tullius Cicero and C. Antonius. 

Being consuls elect, when the case of Catiline and his accomplices came 

asked his opinion first, with respect to the 

punishment that ought to be inflicted on these traitors. He was in favour 

of their beinp put to death. Subsequently, however, he embraced the 

i nus Nero, who was for strengthening the guards and 

s oj o urn Kite 

M. Junius. A Roman nobleman, who had for his colleague in 
llehn Q. Caecilius Metellus, 111 B. C otally defeated 

I {Lir Epit. 65.) Eutr. be defeated the 

:atc. 
L Cornelius An historian of the Cornelian family, and 
descended from that Sisenna who was praetor A. U. C. 570 In his 
sed as an orator, and is characterized by Cicero as a man 
j and wit, but of no greet industry, or knowledge of business. 
In more advanced life he was praetor of Achaia, and a friend of Atticus. 
Vossius says his history commenced after the taking of Rome by the 
>, and ended with th ins and Sylla. Now, it is pos- 

sible that he teh of Roman affairs from the 

bum .ails, but r at he had touched 

ory : for though his work con- 
sisted of twentv, or, according to ethers, of twenty-two books, it ap- 
nt ot the second, which is still preserved, that he 
ifl his narrative as far as the Social war, which broke 
out in tru The greater part, th< re fore, was probably devoted 

to the history of the civil wars of Marius : and indeed Velleius Pater- 
culus calls his work Opus Belli Cinlis Sullam. The great defect of 
history consisted, it is said, in its not being written with sufficient 
political freedom, at least concerning the character and conduct of Sylla, 
tted by Sallust, in a passage bearing ample testimony to 
the merits of Sisenna in other particulars. Cicero, while he admits his 
superiority over his predecessors, adds, that he was far from perfection, 
omplains that there was something puerile in his Annals, as if he 
had studied none of the Greek historians but Clitarchus (Cic. de Leg. 
laments which remain of his history are more numerous 
than those of any old Latin annalist, being about 150 ; but they are also 

30* 



330 TORICAL INDEX. 

shorter and more unconnected. Indeed, there axe scarcely two sentences 
any where joined together. 

8m V Roman knipht, bom at Nucena, whence 

his surname Nucerinus. Catiline, according to Sallust, reckoned hun 
amom r g to the common account, he was not 

only co it, having been summoned to stand 

trial for some misdem* of the plot, he fi- 

Afnca with a number of his associates and dependants, and assisted the 
king of Mauretania aj: unng princes Cicero, however, 

nays, that he quitted the 
consc'j that be had 

■ of his being in the conspiracy 
.» as a respectable man, and calls 
friend and icoua • rwards 

us Caesar ind rendered him inl- 

and Juba. The conqueror 
ifjense, the city and territory of I 
I 'irta. 

^pinthcr, held the office of enrols 
ro and Antomus were consuls. His great 
display a magnified; « lebration of the 

garner it had ever before been seen at Rom< 

Praetor Urbanus, was con- 
til i ne was detected in the csj 

>m banishment In' attached himself to toe side 

: been taken prisoner, was brought before Caesar, 

1 set at ht» fought in the battle of Pharamiia, 

ian» refused him protection. Nothing 

• ilenus Maximus. be had the 

froen his resemblance to a comedian of that name. 

man of equestrian rank, connected with the con- 

i strangled in prison 

s \ Mi - cian rank, who served at 

first under Marius His activity and addres> » brmg 

. ssful ttTininat!- M i became, at last, 

•ed that quarrel between them, 

which f of the most enormous cruelties, and contribute*! 

nan liberty. Being cent to Asia to restrain 

rferent pretence, be proved 

hhneslf both a brave soldier and an able gen- irn, he dis- 

fao great advantage in the Social war 

Sunes were 
rius. they stoned 
. in revenge, put Sylla's friends in the citv to the 
me, and comp* 
rid proscription now bega 

it he effected his escape. Sylla then act oat against 

Mithr: : . m ncrals, and concluded 

with him on very advantageous I "mna having 

butchered manv of SyUVs friends at Rome, he returnc 



HISTORICAL INDEX. 331 

their deaths. On his arrival, his conduct was marked by clemency and 
moderation ; but no sooner were his enemies wholly within his power, 
than he committed the most enormous and barbarous acts of cruelty. 
To aggrandize himself, to exalt the patricians, and to glut his desire of 
D his enemies, induced Sylla to assume the reins of absolute 
•it. He corrected the abuses introduced by popular and un- 
principled demagogues, restored the ancient laws, and enacted many that 
were salutary and beneficial. Still, tyranny marked his whole conduct, 
and : umi»tr?tion a scene of terror, by his personal enmi- 

rable despot lireofieTeo 

in the mind of v 

of thousa:. authonts 

:d lived undisturbed as a 
II. ft i. I of the ;>! 

9 B. ( I d intoxication 

to avoid I D06| 

'•! laaeayti, m Africa At tir^t he was hostile 
to th . but, on marrying 

mod an alliance with * 

a all 

m which 
he and Hasdrubal a - and Masinissa. Scipio 

sent : .*oner at 

Alba, from wh. -, ur. 

1 

nan who left Koine to join the army of Catiline, 
but who was a; -lamination 

1 for 

ius > », be u npi iaal ed Craai lot r l hi> 

.,i8 deemed utterly false, and Tanmmius was 

i. unless he gave up the person who had 

man of senatonan rar. aid the office 

ofpn >r Q Caeparius was gv?en 

a Roman nohlamtn, who held the consul- 

jrith L Aur.ii M the particular friend of 

i ,i, laUM ol hiLrh 'ommcndation m 

Ionia for his province. In the 

:;:. i > (V IBM and manner of his death are 



Umbri ava, P A treedman, who engaged in the conspiracy of Cati- 
line, and endeavoured to prevail on the deputies from the Allobroges to 
take part with that traitor. He was committed to prison on the dis- 
. of the plot, and most probably punished with death. 



• RICAL IN 



V. 



Valerius Flaccus, L A Roman nobleman, distinguished t - 
military talents and general ability He traced his deso 

Poplicola. After holding the office of tribune of the soldiers in 
Cilicia, and being qua- un, he obtained the praetorshi; 

••as consul, and contributed by his a 

crushing of Catiline's cons; ter the expiration of his praetor 

ship, he su< •■ imcnt of Asia, and on his return was 

r extortion. rough the powerful eloquence of 

.<>, together with Hortensius, pleaded his ea 

Varounteius, I f the accomplices o: .vho under* 

took, a ouse. The 

i, and they 
ts Proba- 
t hough a senator, was of equestrian origin 

na, and one of the accon. 
intrusted by l<cntulus with a letter for Catiline 
M senate, he at first pleader 
>n being assured of his safety, he made 
be knew His testimony was confirmed by 
the deputies of t .gee 

Bocchus, king of Msuretania, sent by h»« lather, at the 
4 a large body of cavalry to meet Sylla, quaestor under Menus, 
D the royal pre** 



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